Spitfire
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The LECTURE Series
NEW! Lecture Sound Files
L-01 The Political Implications of the
UFO Phenomenon and the “ET” Myth
L-02
The Future: Technology, Theocracy and the Thousand Year Reich
Real Media (Real Audio) Format or MP3 Format
The
entire Lecture Series is now available on a single CD-ROM in MP3 format for
$35.00!
L-1 The Political
Implications of the UFO Phenomenon and the "ET" Myth (Approx. 171
minutes) $16.00
A 1997 Gallup poll revealed that 42% of college graduates in the United
States believed that the earth had been visited by extraterrestrials. This
astounding statistic underscores the political importance of the UFO
phenomenon, a subject generally regarded as the province of either fiction or
psychopathology. This lecture addresses some of the salient political aspects
of the subject. The concept of salvation from above by a superior power or
entity is a powerful element of the mythology, folklore and belief systems of
many cultures and religions. It is also a notion that can have particularly
strong appeal in a time of dire social and political crisis. Central to the
discussion is an analysis of the political philosophy espoused and practiced by
some of the "UFO contactee" cults. Professing a variety of beliefs
about aliens, these cults hold in common a belief in extraterrestrials, a
belief in the intellectual and scienific superiority of those "ET's"
and (in many cases) advocacy of the governing of human affairs on earth by
"our brothers from space." These cults are infiltrated by the
intelligence community, which devotes considerable attention to such groups. It
is noteworthy that the system of government selected (presumably) by our space
bretheren is essentially a totalitarian and fascistic one. The possibility of
the political manipulation of the UFO phenomenon in order to bring about
fascism is one that should not be too readily cast aside. It is significant in
this context that the ET myth originates to a considerable extent from elements
associated with the intelligence community and a milieu that includes prominent
American fascists such as William Dudley Pelley. The human propensity to
believe in UFO's as indicating the presence of ET's takes on an added
significance when considered in light of the considerable evidence indicating
that the "flying saucers" of popular imagination are real, but have a
terrestrial origin. Mr. Emory presents evidence that the machines have their
genesis in the closing phase of the Second World War, when the Germans
developed disk-shaped, high-performance flying machines as anti-aircraft
devices. The devices appear to have been improved upon by the United States and
Britain in the post-war period. In 1955, the Secretary of the Airforce
announced that the United States would soon begin testing and flying new types
of aircraft that would resemble flying saucers. In the conclusion of the
lecture, Mr. Emory warns that UFO's might be deployed in conjunction with other
secret technologies such as mind-control and/or genetic-engineering. He
describes a hypothetical scenario described as "a combination of Orson
Welles' 'War of the Worlds' broadcast, the Miracle of Fatima and Pearl
Harbor!"
Lecture
Highlights Include: analysis of the famous Mantell case; veteran combat pilot Mantell's last
transmission while chasing a huge UFO ("my God, there are men in
it!"); the joint U.S. development of the AVRO-Car, a military flying disc;
the famous story of the "Foo Fighters" seen by Allied Airmen over
Germany during the closing months of World War II; the Luftwaffe development of
the Feuerball and the Kugelblitz disc-shaped anti-aircraft devices; discussion
of the Raelian cult of Claude Vorhillon and its fascistic philosophical
overtones; Russia's 1994 marketing of an egg-shaped commercial airliner;
William Dudley Pelley's Soulcraft organization and its connections to
alleged ET contactees; the strange career of alleged ET contactee George
Adamski, who claims he traveled on a U.S government passport. (See also: FTR
#'s 66-68, 105, 156, 167.) (Recorded at Foothill College in October of
1992.)
L-2 The Future: Technology,
Theocracy and the Thousand Year Reich (Approx. 118 minutes) $13.00
This lecture is (as the title implies) a look ahead. Mr. Emory outlines and
explains the major features of future society as he both fears and expects it
to be - a technologically-based, fascist theocracy. Mr. Emory sees the future
as the realization of a global version of Mussolini's "Corporate
State." (For extensive analysis of Mussolini's concept of the
"corporate state," see Miscellaneous Archive Show M42.) First,
the discussion focuses on the conflict between corporate profits and both
substantial wages and benefits and strong environmental protection policy. This
conflict results in an element of cognitive dissonance on the part of most
people (who must work for a living.) In order to maximize profit, discomfort
must be correspondingly maximized as well. Human behavior is dictated largely
by two principles that psychologists call the pleasure principle and the
reality principle. In a nutshell: people do what makes them feel good. When
they feel bad, they must alter their environment in such a way as to remove the
discomfort. They can either change their external environment or their internal
environment. Political action, labor and environmental organizing would
certainly bring change that would relieve social and environmental distress.
That is not as profitable as holding down wages and profits. Profits can be
maximized if people can be made to alter their internal environment in such a
way as to endure or even enjoy discomfort (what Mr. Emory refers to as learning
"to enjoy sitting on a tack.") There are a variety of ways of getting
people to attempt this. If they are inebriated on drugs or alcohol, their pain
will be attenuated (at least temporarily) and their will to resist blunted. In
this context, opium would be the religion of the people. The real thing might
be even better. The analysis centers on a society in which people would be made
into "true believers," through a combination of totalitarian
political control and technologically-reinforced fundamentalist religion.
Denominational affiliation of subject nations and individuals may well remain
diverse, but the foundation and fount of political power would be tremendously
powerful, technologically sophisticated military weapons of mass destruction.
Most importantly, the very existence of these weapons would be unknown to
the vast majority of people. An administrative elite would exercise
political power. This elite would be religious, political and military in
nature - Mr. Emory characterizes them as "priest-spies." They would
have at least limited knowledge of the prevailing military technology, as well
as advanced tactical knowledge of its application. Their
"parishioners," on the other hand, would see (and would be encouraged
and obligated to see) the devastating application of the destructive
technology as "miracles." Groups or individuals who deviated from the
prescribed path would be punished with the technology and this, again, would be
seen by a naive populace as retribution by some supernatural entity. (It should
be noted that New Age religions are by no means immune to this kind of
exploitation and seduction by fascist elements.) Weapons technology that might
be involved would include genetically-engineered micro-organisms ("the
plagues of Egypt"), Tesla technology to cause earthquakes or alter the
weather ("God's punishment on the inequitous"), long distance
mind-control techniques involving electromagnetic radiation ("the Voice of
the Lord"). (Note: this lecture was given before information about Project
HAARP became public.) In L-1 and the segments cited in the description above,
evidence is presented that so-called "flying saucers" are real and do
not come from outer space. They are advanced aeronautical devices, whose
development began with prototypes flown by the Germans during the closing
stages of World War II. They were further developed by the Western Allies in
the years after the war. There is also substantial evidence of attempts by
elements of the intelligence community to create belief in space aliens. With
this in mind, Mr. Emory discusses the possible uses of "UFO's" and
"aliens" in the fascist techno-theocracy described above. (See also: FTR
#'s 5-7, 16, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M7, M14-17 and FTR #'s
1, 4, 16, 17, 19, 24, 30, 35, 55, 56, 62, 63, 66-69, 73, 76, 101, 105, 128,
132, 156, 165, 167.) (Recorded in January of 1995 in Santa Monica.)
L-3 The Militia Movement:
Enemy or Pawn of the State? (Approximately 160 minutes) $16.00
In the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing in April of 1995, international
attention focused on the militia movement in America. This movement's members,
supporters and detractors have all characterized it as an anti-government
movement. This lecture explores the possibility that the militia movment may
actually be a tool or extension of the government. (Mr. Emory stresses that he
believes that the movement's actual membership is a mixed bag. Many people in
the militias are sincere patriots and conservatives, although generally badly
misinformed. Many are also outright raving Nazis and fascists. A few are
actually liberals.) The bulk of the lecture consists of analysis and history of
the evolution of the para-military right in the United States. The lecture
begins with discussion of the MacArthur group within the military and
MacArthur's intelligence chief, Charles Willoughby. The illusion that the
United States was controlled by communist sympathizers had its genesis with
Truman's removal of MacArthur as commander of the UN forces in Korea. Former
MacArthur staffers, such as Willoughby and Colonel William Potter Gale, formed
an important element on the American far right, and played an important part in
the evolution of the paramilitary right. Gale founded the fascist Christian
Defense League, one of a number of tributaries that fed the growth of the
Minutemen. The most important of America's para-military organizations was the
Minutemen. A prototype and direct precursor of the modern militia movement, the
Minutemen overlapped many domestic fascist organizations, such as the American
Nazi Party, the aforementioned Christian Defense League, Ku Klux Klan and
National States Rights Party. The intelligence community has recruited elements
of the Minutemen (and other, similar, para-military organizations) to serve at
the operational level in covert operations, both domestic and foreign. (For more
on this subject, see also G1-4, FTR #'s 11-13 and FTR-27.) One of
the most important operations involving the Minutemen and other, similar,
organizations was the assassination of President Kennedy. One of the main
elements in the successful plot against President Kennedy's life was the
characterization of Lee Harvey Oswald as a communist. (As discussed in numerous
programs, Oswald was not the assassin, but a patsy. The successful effort to
portray him as a tool of either the Soviet Union or Fidel Castro led many to
cover up the assassination. Many feared that a nuclear war would result from
the public perception that a popular president had been murdered by the
communists. For more on this subject, see FTR #'s 15, 37, Miscellaneous
Archive Show M60 and FTR #'s 19, 158, 168, in addition to G1 and
G2.) Much of the "painting of Oswald Red" took place at the
dual New Orleans addresses of 544 Camp Street and 531 Lafayette Place. (These
were two different entrances to the same building.) This building housed the Guy
Bannister Detective Agency, an organization that apparently served as a front
for various fascist activities, as well as for the intelligence community's war
against Fidel Castro. Significantly, Bannister himself, his employee David
Ferrie (indicted by New Oleans D.A. Jim Garrison for the assassination) and
others in their milieu were members of the Minutemen. Other Minutemen appear to
have played a part in the Dallas end of the assassination plot, as well as the
anti-Castro activities. The Kennedy assassination and the anti-Castro
operations helped to set a precedent. Para-military activists were also
involved in the Contra support movement in the 1980's, among other covert
operations. The conspiratorial milieu of Oliver North and company also spawned plans
to establish martial law in the United States in the event of any one of a
number of emergencies. One of the provisions of the martial law contingency
plans involved the deputization of para-military right-wingers as
federal agents to enforce the martial law edict. This suggests the
possibility that the militias are, in fact, targeted for co-option by the very
government they profess to despise. Mr. Emory points out that numerous
Republican politicians are very close to the militias and embrace a political
agenda that is virtually identical with the militia agenda. (Pat Buchanan and
Representative Helen Chenoweth are two; there are many others.)
Anti-environmental organizations such as the Wise Use Movement also heavily
overlap the activities of militia groups in areas where the movement is strong.
It should be noted that the liquidation of the Branch Davidian compound in Waco
(Texas) was a precipitating incident in the growth of the militia movement. As
Mr. Emory has pointed out in past broadcasts (such as FTR-29), both the
Iran-Contra machinations and the Iraqgate affair were effected through an
inter-agency governmental network under the control of George Bush. This
network served as Bush's private intelligence service and outranked even the
CIA and the NSC. Justice department officials who were part of this network
were in charge of the siege at Waco. Another member of this network (Ed Dennis)
wrote the report exhonerating Janet Reno's justice department of any wrongdoing
in the Branch Davidian affair. This network also generated the martial law
contingency plans. In light of this fact, Mr. Emory asks whether or not the
Waco affair may have been designed to help precipitate the militia
movement and discredit Bill Clinton. The discussion underscores parallels
between the militia movement and the so-called Black Reichswehr, the
para-military formations that paved the way for Hitler's rise to power in
Germany. (For more on the Black Reichswehr, see FTR-10 and Miscellaneous
Archive Show M5.) The possibility that the militias constitute an American
version of the Black Reichswehr is one that should not be too readily
discarded. The lecture concludes with a short discussion of the Oklahoma City
bombing. (See also L4, FTR #'s 9, 10, 11, 12, 27, 70-72, 81, 87, 88, 92, 97.)
(Recorded in April of 1996 at Deep River Book Store in Santa Monica.)
L-4 Fascism, Gun Control and
the Intelligence Community (Approximately 131 minutes) $13.00
A companion to L-3, this lecture analyzes the issue of gun control, an
issue that has helped fuel the growth of the militia movement. Generally viewed
as a liberal political issue, gun control has roots firmly planted in the
history and methodology of international fascism. Presenting concrete facts
refuting many of the popular arguments for gun control, the discussion
highlights the fact that the presence of firearms in society is not connected
to the crime or homicide levels. In addition, the program points out that
bicycles, bathtubs, swimming pools, matches and automobiles each represent
an exponentially greater threat to the lives of children than
firearms.After exploding many of the myths about gun control, the program
delineates connections between international fascism and gun control. Much of
the discussion centers on former Senator Thomas Dodd, one of the most important
figures in the American gun control movement. (For more on Senator Dodd, see Miscellaneous
Archive Show M60 and FTR-158.) A member of the U.S. prosecutorial
staff at Nuremberg., this former FBI agent was close to the American Security
Council (ASC), a domestic fascist group. (For more on the ASC, see FTR #'s
14, 15.) With its roots in the Hitler-Goebbels Anti-Comintern, the American
Security Council was a key American link to the former World Anti-Communist
League or WACL. Created by former FBI agents disgruntled at the demise of
Senator Joseph McCarthy's "investigations," the American Security
Council coalesced around the files of Harry Jung's American Vigilance
Intelligence Federation. (Virulently anti-Semitic, Jung's organization was part
of the Anti-Comintern prior to World War II.) Counting among its ranks some of
the most prominent names on the far right, the organization kept track of
people it considered "subversive," sharing political intelligence
with prospective employers (particularly defense contractors.) The ASC hated
Kennedy and it is not, therefore, altogether surprising that Dodd helped to
disseminate the disinformation that Lee Harvey Oswald had been trained in
assassination by the KGB. With CIA assistance, Dodd inserted this
disinformation into a Senate Subcommittee report. This disinformation, with
roots in the same WACL milieu as the ASC, led liberals to cover-up the
assassination out of fear that public perception that a communist killed the
President would lead to a Third World War. (For more on this gambit, see FTR
#'s 15, 37.) Dodd's role in this affair is all the more interesting when
one considers the possibility that Oswald may have ordered his weapons while
working for Dodd's Subcommittee. Investigating the mail-order firearms
business, the Dodd committee focused on the two firms from which Oswald
allegedly purchased his weapons. Oswald was apparently extraordinarily
interested in mail-order guns, a strange way for a prospective assassin to acquire
weaponry. In 1963, he could have purchased his guns over the counter with no
trace of the transaction. Manuel Pena, an intelligence-connected Los Angeles
Police officer involved with the "investigation" of Robert Kennedy's
assassination, also worked with the Dodd subcommitee. Pena helped to trace
Oswald's mail order gun purchases. Dodd was instrumental in crafting 1968
gun control legislation that borrowed from the Nazi weapons control act of
1938. It should be noted that the assassinations of both Kennedys and
Martin Luther King contributed to the passage of the 1968 Gun Control bill.
Neither killing would have been prevented by gun control. After detailing
Dodd's career and involvement with the gun control movement, the lecture
underscores the role of "ex" CIA officer William O. Wells in the gun
control movement. The founder of one and deeply involved with the the other
(supposedly competing) handgun control organization, Wells' opposition to
firearms ownership is all the more surprising considering that Wells himself
owns two handguns and a rifle. After discussion of Wells, the discussion
analyzes some of the "lone nuts" whose massacres have spurred recent
calls for gun control. In particular, the lecture presents discussion of
Patrick Edward Purdy, whose massacre of Stockton school children in 1989 was
the first of schoolyard massacres that have plagued the country. In addition to
his connections to the Aryan Nations, Purdy had been involved with the Moonies,
a fascist mind control cult (see FTR-7.) (For more on the school yard
shootings, see M55 and FTR #'s 150, 168.) The lecture concludes
with rumination on the possibility that some of the massacres may be intended
to help precipitate a fascist polarization of society. Since firearms are an
intrinsic part of life in many parts of this country, outlawing them will have
an alienating and polarizing effect on much of the population in those areas,
driving them in the direction of fascism and blind reaction. (See also G1,
G2, G3, G4; FTR #'s 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 37; Miscellaneous Archive
Shows M3, M20, M22, M25, M29, M37, M38, M56, M59, M60, as well as FTR
#'s 8,19, 46, 47, 54, 62, 63, 71, 72, 76, 104, 108, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116,
142.) (Recorded in Santa Monica in May of 1996.)
L-5 The American Elite and
the Origins of the CIA (Approximately 130 minutes) $13.00
This lecture delineates the profound connections between Wall Street and U.S.
intelligence. Specifically, the talk highlights the disproportionate influence
of key Wall Street law firms upon the formation and development of both the OSS
(Office of Strategic Services), America's World War II civilian intelligence
service and its successor, the Central Intelligence Agency. Men such as William
Donovan, Allen Dulles and Frank Wisner held the positions of key intelligence
officer and powerful Wall Street lawyer. Along with men like John Foster
Dulles (Allen's brother and partner in Sullivan & Cromwell), Carmel Offie,
William Bullitt, George Kennan, Paul Nitze and James Forrestal, they did much
to shape the history of the 20th century. The discussion begins with the
Versailles Treaty concluding the First World War. Key figures in the
machinations of the U.S. delegation to the Versailles negotiations figure
prominently in the development of U.S. intelligence and national security
policy for decades to follow. They also played a primary role in assisting the
development of international fascism, before, during and after World War II.
After Versailles, John Foster Dulles (a key member of the American delegation),
acting as Special Counsel to the Dawes Committee, helped arrange the loans that
re-capitalized Germany under the Dawes Plan. Foster's prominent Wall Street law
firm, the above-mentioned Sullivan & Cromwell, profited handsomely from
those loans, as well. Dulles' brother Allen also practiced for Sullivan &
Cromwell. The firms capitalized under the Dawes and Young plans were
instrumental in promoting the rise of Hitler and creating his war machine.
Mussolini, Franco and Poland's Pilsudski were among the European fascists who
benefited from the largesse of the Wall Street Elite. The lecture highlights
the role in the Office of Strategic Services of Allen Dulles and another
prominent Wall Street lawyer, Frank Wisner. Dulles served as head of the Berne
(Switzerland) office of OSS and later in Berlin after the war. In both
positions, Dulles interfaced closely with members of the German industrial and
financial elite with whom he had worked while serving with Sullivan &
Cromwell. Through these contacts, Dulles was instrumental in helping to
preserve this German elite after the war. One of Dulles' principal contacts was
Gero von Gaevernitz, who played an important role in introducing German
spymaster Reinhard Gehlen to the U.S. intelligence operatives who proved
instrumental in bringing the general and his organization into the American
intelligence apparat. (For more on Gehlen, see FTR #'s 1-3, 14, 15, 22, 30,
36, 37, as well as numerous Miscellaneous Archive Shows and For
The Record segments.) The lecture highlights the work for both OSS and CIA
of Frank Wisner, a partner with Carter, Ledyard and Milburn, another powerful
Wall Street Law Firm that was the counsel for the New York Stock Exchange.
(Later, when Wisner went to work for the CIA as Deputy Director of Central
Intelligence, another Deputy Director, Harding Jackson, was a former partner in
Carter, Ledyard and Milburn.) Both Dulles and Wisner worked intimately with the
Gehlen organization when the ex-OSS duo "graduated" to posts with the
CIA. The lecture delineates John Foster Dulles' role as Secretary of State
under Eisenhower, when Allen was Director of the CIA. George Kennan was the
author of the "containment strategy," a key element of American Cold
War policy. As a diplomat serving in Moscow prior to World War II, Kennan
became an intimate of Gustav Hilger, a key Third Reich diplomat who worked for
the US after World War II. Lecture Highlights Include: discussion of OSS
chief William Donovan's role as an anti-Bolshevik emissary of American
industrialist J.P. Morgan in the 1920's; Donovan's work as a key Wall Street
lawyer prior to the war; Paul Nitze and James Forrestal's work for Dillon, Read
(deeply involved in funding the Third Reich); Nitze's and Forrestal's post-war
role as anti-communist crusaders; the role of Sir William Stephenson in
developing the OSS (Stephenson was Britain's primary spymaster in the Americas
during World War II); Stephenson's alliance with key Morgan associate Edward
Stettinius; the role of Ian Fleming (the author of the James Bond novels) in
aiding Stephenson's intelligence work in the U.S. (See also: FTR-10, Miscellaneous
Archive Shows M11, M42 and FTR #'s 29. 36, 37, 38, 216 (Recorded at
Foothill College in 11/22/1997.)
L-6 The Intelligence
Community and Mind Control (Approximately 235 minutes) $21.00
Embracing much of the material from FTR #'s 5, 6 and 7,
this lecture sets forth core material about the decades-long research into (and
utilization of) mind control performed by elements of the U.S. intelligence
community. Lecture Highlights Include: the role of military intelligence
in financing the research of Jose Delgado, a pioneer in the control of behavior
through surgical implantation of electrodes in the brain; early mind-control
experiments demonstrating that hypnotized subjects can be made to commit acts
normally repugnant to them; an insidious mind-control methodology called
"RHIC-EDOM" ("radio-hypnotic, intracerebral control - electronic
dissolution of memory"), in which the levels of a key neuro-transmitter
called acetylcholine are manipulated in such a manner as to cause the
"subject" to act without conscious knowledge or subsequent
recollection of acts committed while affected by the process; the story of
apparent former U.S. intelligence operative Angel Castillo, programmed with
multiple personalities (some of them developed for assassination operations)
and allegedly recruited as a back-up shooter for the assassination of President
Kennedy; a U.S. Navy project involving the use of audio-visual desensitization
to condition "passive-aggressive" personalities as assassins; an
interview with a former U.S. government assassin, who discusses successful use
of mind control in assassination operations and maintains that the United
States has been taken over by the national security establishment; advanced
mind-control research directed toward reading the human mind; the apparent role
of mind control in this country’s major political assassinations; the CIA's
hypno-programming of famed fashion model Candy Jones; the mind-control
indoctrination of virulently racist and anti-semitic attitudes into the
previously-liberal Candy; attempts to induce Candy to kill herself when her
husband (famed talk-show host "Long John" Nebel) began to de-program
her; a talk by Joe Holsinger (former legislative assistant to the late
Representative Leo Ryan), in which Holsinger cites indications that People's
Temple may have been an extension of the intelligence community's mind control
programs; the role of alleged CIA officer George Phillip Blakey in establishing
the Jonestown compound; the fact that most of the Jonestown victims had been
murdered (they were not suicides, as generally reported); the presence of large
amounts of psychiatric drugs at the Jonestown site; Temple stalwart Lawrence
Layton, Senior's activities on behalf of the National Security establishment;
the presence at Jonestown of CIA's Guyanese Station Chief Richard Dwyer shortly
before the massacre began; structural similarities between the People's Temple
and features of the MK/Ultra program; connections between the U.S. national
security establishment and political extreme right-wing and the Unification
Church. (See also FTR #'s 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 28, as well as Miscellaneous
Archive Shows M2, M9, M14-17, M27, M30, M53, M55, FTR #'s 64, 67, 68,
84, 101, 105, 128, 132, 156, 165, 167, 170, 172, 178 and L #'s1, 2.)
(Delivered at Foothill College in February of 1992.)
L-7 The Balkans War
(Approx. 152 minutes) $16.00
This talk (delivered in July of 1999), sets forth background to the wars in the
former Yugoslavia. Particular emphasis is on the relationship between the
Muslim and Serb minorities in that unfortunate nation, and the development of
the 1999 NATO campaign in Kosovo. Beginning with discussion of the oppression
of Serbs in the Ottoman empire, the lecture discusses the privileged status of
Slovenia and Croatia during the Austro-Hungarian empire's occupation of what is
now Yugoslavia. The divisions that stemmed from the two empires' occupation of
the Balkans had much to do with setting the stage for the current conflicts.
The talk outlines the history of Yugoslavia during World War II, with
particular emphasis on the Axis nations' use of ethnic Albanians and Bosnian
Muslims. Kosovo was granted nominal autonomy during the Axis occupation of the
Balkans, and the Trepca mining complex (in Kosovo) provided the Germans with
mineral resources that were essential to the German war effort. (The
Trepca mining complex is the most valuable piece of economic real estate in the
former Yugoslavia. Though largely ignored in most histories of World War II,
Nazi Germany's use of ethnic Muslim populations significantly affected the
course of events during World War II in a number of areas, the Balkans in
particular. The Nazis'formed and operated Muslim Waffen SS divisions in the
former Yugoslavia. Utilizing the versatile Haj Amin Al-Husseini (self-styled
"Grand Mufti of Jerusalem," Nazi espionage agent, SS Major,
Palestinian nationalist leader), the Waffen SS successfully recruited from
among Muslim populations in the Balkans, Middle East and Soviet Union. (For
more on Al-Husseini, see FTR-22, as well as Miscellaneous Archive
Shows M19, M21, M58, and FTR #'s 2, 44, 71, 147, 159, 161.)
In the former Yugoslavia, the Nazis formed a Bosnian Muslim division, the 13th
Waffen SS Division (named Hanjar or Handzar.) Serving in the ranks of Hanjar
and recruiting for the division as well, was none other than Alija Izetbegovic,
the first President of Bosnia. (His participation in the Hanjar is also
discussed in FTR #'s 2, 147, 161.) The lecture focuses on his
resurrection of the Hanjar division after becoming President of Bosnia!
Trained by veterans of the Afghan conflict and composed largely of ethnic
Albanians, the new Hanjar division was explicitly named after, and
specifically and overtly patterned on, the 13th Waffen SS division of
Izetbegovic's youth. In addition to serving as a Praetorian guard,
administering to the personal security of Izetbegovic and other members of the
leadership in Sarajevo, Hanjar functions as a "special forces"
division, backing up other units and working closely with Mujahadeen
formations. The discussion highlights observations by UN personnel serving with
peacekeeping forces in areas where the Hanjar operated. Noting the large ethnic
Albanian representation in Hanjar, one observer expressed the fear in 1993 that
the fighting might very well spread to Kosovo. (Subsequent events have borne
out his fears.) By 1995, elements of Hanjar were infiltrating into Kosovo, Albania
and Macedonia. The lecture highlights the Skanderberg Division, a Waffen SS
division composed of ethnic Albanians, largely from Kosovo. Many members of the
KLA are the sons and grandsons of men who fought with the Skanderberg Division,
and the KLA has sustained much of its fascist heritage. (See also: FTR #'s
159, 161.) Never much of a fighting unit, Skanderberg helped round up
Kosovo's Jewish population, fought against the Yugoslavian Partisans, and
helped safeguard the successful German retreat from Greece and Albania. In
light of the fact that German intelligence actively supported the KLA in the
mid-to late 90's (FTR #'s 120, 147, 151, 161), it is not
irrelevant to ask whether some of the Waffen SS connections to the area may
have figured in the shaping of events there. In this context, one should bear
in mind that the Waffen SS has its own branch of the ODESSA network,
abbreviated HIAG. (The ODESSA is the post-World II SS underground, inextricably
linked with U.S. and German intelligence, as well as the deadly Bormann
Organization.) Lecture Highlights Include: The KLA's involvement in
organized crime activities (drug smuggling in particular); collaboration
between Germany and Croatian fascists, dating from the time of World War II;
Western de-stabilization efforts against Yugoslavia during the 1980's; the
functional autonomy granted to ethnic Albanians in Kosovo under the Tito
government; the ethnic Albanians' use of this autonomy to oppress the Serbian
minority in the province; Milosevic's rise in the Yugoslavian Communist party;
Milosevic's retraction of Albanian autonomy in Kosovo; a secret trip to Germany
in the 1980's by Franjo Tudjman (president of Croatia), in order to lay the
groundwork for Croatian secession from Yugoslavia; a synoptic history of the
Croatian fascist movement, its alliance with Germany, and its murderous
persecution of Serbs during World War II; a 2 billion-dollar, interest-free
loan to finance Croatian independence (arranged by the American branch of the
Knights of Malta - see also: FTR-21, M6); the Vatican's role in
establishing the myth of the Serbs as the last bastion of hard-line,
Soviet-style communism in Europe; German parroting and dissemination of the
Vatican propaganda line about Yugoslavia; Vatican endorsement of Croatian and
Slovenian independence from Yugoslavia; Croatia's human rights abuses against
Serbs living in Croatia (they were fired from government jobs, denied
employment in the media, subjected to heavy taxation, forced to carry identity
cards identifying them as Serbs and, finally, ethnically cleansed); the
Croatian clergy's blessing of the ethnic cleansing of 250,000 Serbs in 1991 and
92; the Islamic fundamentalism and anti-democratic orientation of Bosnian
president Alija Izetbegovic; the overriding and extreme bias against the Serbs
in Western diplomatic and military policy; the exaggeration and/or fabrication
of war crimes evidence against the Serbs during the various Balkans wars;
Germany's arming of the Croatian armed forces in the early 90's; how Germany
bludgeoned the rest of the European Union into endorsing the breakup of
Yugoslavia (the EU initially voted 11 to 1 in favor of maintaining the unity of
the Yugoslav Federation.) (For additional information about Yugoslavia, see
also: RFA 36, 37, as well as FTR #'s 2, 48, 49, 147, 148, 149, 151,
153, 154, 157, 159, 161, 162, 165, 184.) (Recorded at Foothill College in
July of 1999.)
L-8 The Destabilization of
the Clinton Administration (Approximately 104 minutes) $10.00
Analyzing the Clinton administration's troublesfrom the standpoint of covert
action, Mr. Emory spoke about the Bush faction of the intelligence community's probable
role in precipitating the scandals besetting the President. Noting that Clinton
defeated George Bush (former director of the CIA and, according to one school
thought, the real "power behind the throne" during the Reagan
administrations), Mr. Emory discusses a number of evidentiary tributaries
connecting Clinton's misfortunes with the world of "black-ops." In
particular, many intelligence-connected elements in the Clinton scandals
overlap the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate scandals. Shortly after George Bush was
subpoenaed to testify in the trial of Chrisopher Drogoul (the central figure in
the BNL/Iraqgate affair), Vince Foster was found dead. (Mr. Emory is skeptical
of the "suicide" verdict in Foster's death, but considers it probable
that, if, Foster was murdered, the Bush faction was the most probable
author of the crime. Foster's death may have been a signal to Clinton.
Mr. Emory believes allegations that Bill Clinton was the author of the deaths
of Vince Foster and others of his associates, to be preposterous.) The last
person to see Vince Foster alive was Linda Tripp, who served him lunch.
(A blonde, female hair was found on Foster's body. Right-wing conspiracy
theorists have posited that it was Hillary Clinton's. Few have considered the
possibility that it may have belonged to Tripp.) A Bush administration
appointee, Tripp (who, with the aid of Lucy Goldberg, precipitated the Lewinsky
imbroglio) had a high security clearance, having worked for the Army's Secret
Intelligence Command at Fort Meade and for the Delta Force at Fort Bragg, N.C.
(Note that the Delta Force functions in a counter-terrorist capacity.
"Counter-terrorism" is the rubric under which the Bush private
intelligence networks, described below, operated.) One of the central elements
of discussion involves the Bush administration officials' decisive presence
on-site in Waco. Associated with an inter-agency network administered by then
Vice-President (and former CIA director) George Bush, these officials were from
the Justice Department and FBI. Having chaired the Vice-President's Task Force
on Counter-Terrorism, Bush oversaw and implemented recommendations issueing
from the Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision Directives, Bush
was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons describe as
"His (Bush's) own private spy agency," and "a White House within
the White House." (See FTR-29.) Ostensibly created to provide a
rapid, prophylactic response to "international terrorism," these
networks became the primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated,
illegal, and treasonous Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes. Far from being
"out of the loop," as he claimed, George Bush was the primary player
in both affairs. His "private spy agency" was the most significant
element in their administration. Mr. Emory sets forth the participation in the
Waco affair of Justice Department officials, who had previously been involved
in retarding investigations into criminal operations that were part of the
Iran-Contra and BNL (Iraqgate) affairs. Allegedly involved with the Branch
Davidian siege was Mark Richard, a long-time Justice Department official whose
career has involved overseeing invesigations into the intelligence community.
Mr. Emory analyzes Richard's involvement with frustrating the investigation
into some of the drug-related, Iran-Contra shennanigans, as well as the BNL
affair. (The arming of Iraq and Hussein's resulting military power were
accomplished, in considerable measure, through an illegal covert operation
centered on the Atlanta branch of the BNL, a major Italian commercial bank.)
Working with Richard in diverting the BNL investigation, was Ed Dennis, who
wrote the final report on the Branch Davidian siege and exonerated the Justice
Department of any wrongdoing in the affair. Janet Reno concluded an
investigation into BNL that,in turn exonerated the Reagan and Bush
administrations of criminal wrongdoing in that affair. Conservative New
York Times columnist William Safire referred to this as "one hand
whitewashing the other." The discussion also highlights former FBI
official Jack Revell, and other Bureau pesonnel, and their involved in the
Iran-Contra cover-up. Revell was the chief spokesperson for the Branch Davidian
operation. Veteran Washington reporter Sarah MacClendon has reported that
Justice Department official Richard Scruggs overlaps the Waco and Iraqgate
affairs. The possibility that the Waco operation may have been deliberately
conducted, in order to discredit and de-stabilize the Clinton administration and
to help obfuscate the Iraqgate affair, is not one that should be too readily
cast aside. The lecture briefly examines the martial law contingency plans
which, like the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate affairs, had their genesis with the
recommendations stemming from the Vice-President's Task Force. These plans
called for the deputization of para-military right-wingers as federal agents,
in the event of the declaration of martial law. (For more on the martial-law
contingency plans see FTR-32, Miscellaneous Archive Show M36 and L
#'s 3, 4.) Mr. Emory notes that the Waco incident has served to help
coalesce the militia movement, creating the very para-military formations that
could be utilized in a fascist takeover. Another central element of discussion
focuses on a possible link between then Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, the
Republican Party, and a right-wing element of the Mossad (the Israeli Secret
Service.) Mr. Emory notes that Lewinsky counsel Ginsburg's stated that
Lewinsky's support for the President was reinforced by Clinton's support for
Israel. The discussion underscores that, after Gingrich traveled to Israel to
undermine American support for the peace process and Hillary repeated her
support for a Palestinian state, Lewinsky switched counsel, employing lawyers
involved with the defense of people in the Iran-Contra affair. Mr. Emory
hypothesized that Lewinsky may have been used (perhaps without her knowledge)
as a pawn by a right-wing element of the Mossad, as well as the Republicans.
(For more on historical links between fascism and elements of the
Zionist movement, see also: Miscellaneous Archive Shows M30, M58, as
well as FTR #'s 95, 139.) Bolstering Mr. Emory's working hypothesis
about the possible Gingrich/Lewinsky/Mossad link, a 1999 book recounted an
allegation that the Mossad (the Israeli intelligence service) had used wiretaps
of the Lewinsky/Clinton conversations to blackmail the United States. After
allegedly tapping the White House phone, the Mossad allegedly used damaging
information concerning the Clinton-Lewinsky affair to deter an alleged
counter-intelligence investigation of "MEGA," an Israeli spy deep
inside the White House. This charge was made in Gideon's Spies, by
Gordon Thomas. The book indicates (among other things) that Benjamin Netanyahu,
was close to being indicted for incitement in connection with the assassination
of his predecessor, Yitzhak Rabin. Lecture Highlights Include: Bill
Clinton's connections to the Mena, Arkansas operations of Iran-Contra operative
Barry Seal (these are seen by some analysts as compromising Clinton, even
before he took office); Newt Gingrich's use of the operating paradigm of the
Wehrmacht as his functional political model; Lucy Goldberg's role as a
political spy in the McGovern campaign; Goldberg's role as Mark Fuhrman's
literary agent; the link between the shooting outside of CIA headquarters and the
Iraqgate cover-up; connections between the Afghan covert operation of the
1980's and Sheik Rakhman (convicted in the World Trade Center Bombing); an
evidentiary tributary connecting the World Trade Center bombing and the
Oklahoma City bombing; the suspicious deaths of numerous figures associated
with Clinton (as with Foster's death, Mr. Emory feels that, if any or
all of these deaths were unnatural, that they were intended to weaken
Clinton.) (See also L #'s 3, 4, FTR #'s 29-35, 38,
Miscellaneous Archive Shows M24, M29, M36, M43, M51, and FTR #'s 31, 52,
106, 110, 111, 112, 115, 116, 143, 174, 181, 214, 236.) (Delivered in
October of 1998.)
L-9 What Does the “W” in George W. Bush Stand
For? (Approximately 159 minutes) (Sources for many of the points of
discussion are provided in parentheses.)
$16.00
With George W. Bush running for President, this lecture sets forth information
about the political heritage of Bush and the Bush family. The discussion begins with the elite Skull
and Bones society at Yale. Dubya, his
father and grandfather belonged to this elite society. Two of George H.W. Bush's fellow
"bonesmen (Howard Weaver and Samuel Sloan Walker Jr) both worked with
Allen Dulles' "Freedom Fighters" program. (The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage
Betrayed the Jewish People, by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; St. Martin's Press; copyright
1994; ISBN 0-312-11057-X; pp. 592-3.)
It should be noted that George H.W. Bush was deeply involved with the "fascist
freedom fighters" network. (For
more on Bush's involvement with this milieu, see M-24 and FTR #s 186,
248.) The program discusses some
of the mythology about, and substance of, the Skull and Bones society. (The New York Observer; 3/27/2000;
pp. 15-16.) The discussion touches on the
occult origins of the group's initiation rituals, some of the influential men
who had belonged to the group, the group's on-going contacts with the elder
George, and a circular letter instructing "bonesmen" to avoid
discussion of the group (presumably because of the candidacy of George W. (Idem.)
The discussion then highlights allegations that Prescott Bush (Sr)
helped to rob Geronimo's grave, as well as related charges that the Apache
warrior's remains were then taken back to the "Tomb" (the insider's
nickname for the Skull and Bones headquarters.) Next, the lecture answers the question posed in the title. The "W" in George Junior’s name
stands for Walker, the last name of Bush's great grandfather, one of Hitler's
most powerful American financial backers.)
(For more on the American industrial and financial connections to
fascism, see also: L-5, RFA #'s 1,
2, 10, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-11, M-42 and FTR #'s 29,
36-38, 99, 102, 114, 121.) The
lecture highlights the profound involvement of George Herbert Walker and his
son-in-law Prescott Bush (Senior) in financing of the German industrial
concerns that financed and propelled the Third Reich. (Prescott Bush Sr. is the father of the former President and CIA
Director and the grandfather of "W.") The discussion touches on the Hamburg-Amerika line, one of the
Bush-connected companies that played a key role in Nazi espionage before, and
during, World War II. In addition to
helping to fund the operations of the SS, the Hamburg-Amerika line also played
a significant role in the Bormann flight capital program. The discussion underscores the strong
connections between Walker, Prescott Bush Sr. and Fritz Thyssen, the German
steelmaker and one of Hitler's earliest and most prominent financial
backers. The Union Banking Corporation
was a Bush business that was, in essence, a front for the Thyssen
interests. The genesis of the
Walker-Thyssen relationship was in 1924, the year after Thyssen began to
develop the long relationship with Martin Bormann, a familial relationship that
has spanned the generations. (The
Bormann-Thyssen relationship is discussed in numerous programs, including FTR
#'s 87, 122, 123 and 152, 273.)
(Mr. Emory speculates that the Bush family may very well be deeply
involved with the Bormann group.) The
discussion highlights George Sr.'s involvement with the Nazi emigre milieu that
spawned the Republican Ethnic Heritage Organization, literally a Nazi wing of
the Republican party. (This milieu had
its genesis with the Crusade For Freedom, the centerpiece of Allen Dulles’
fascist freedom fighters program, involving Bush’s fellow bonesmen Weaver and
Sloan Walker. This was an illegal
domestic intelligence operation, which entailed the importation of Nazis and
fascists into the United States for political purposes. For more about the CFF, see also: RFA-37,
Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-24, M-29 and FTR #’s 29, 48, 113.) A close political ally of Richard Nixon,
George Bush midwived the formal inclusion of the Nazi "ethnics" in
the GOP, utilizing his position as chairman of the Republican National
Committee. Bush later used this same
Nazi emigre network in his 1988 presidential campaaign. Another major focal point of the lecture is
the involvement of George H.W. Bush in the assassination of President
Kennedy. (For more discussion of this
subject, see also: RFA-37, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-20, M-24,
FTR #’s 228, 236, 244.) The lecture
documents a number of connections between the milieu of "vice"
Presidents George Bush Sr., Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon and V.P. candidate Dick
Cheney and the assassination of President Kennedy. One of the acquisitions of Halliburton Oil (headed by Dick
Cheney) was Dresser industries. (Wall
Street Journal, 7/26/2000, p. B4.)
(For more on Cheney and Halliburton, see FTR-236.) The program recapitulates an excerpt from RFA-37,
that documents Bush Sr.'s employment with Dresser industries, the firm's
connections to the intelligence community and to Prescott Bush Sr. (George
Sr.'s father), the firm's connections to the Skull and Bones society, to which
both Bushes (and George W.) belong; the probability that Dresser served as a
cover for George Sr.'s work for the CIA, and George Sr.'s close connections to
Oswald handler and probable Nazi spy George de Mohrenschildt. (In the Company of Friends, by
Anthony L. Kimmery, Covert Action Information Bulletin, Issue #41,
Summer 1992.) The lecture highlights
the close relationship between Richard Nixon and George Bush, Sr. Nixon appointed Bush Sr. as head of the
Republican National Committee during the Watergate scandal, just as he
appointed Gerald Ford as Vice-President.
Ford then succeeded Nixon, pardoned him, and appointed Bush as director
of the CIA. Bush then helped to
obstruct the House Select Committee on Assassinations' investigation of the
Kennedy assassination. (For more on
George Sr.'s role in covering-up Watergate as head of the RNC, see FTR-186.) It should be noted that George Sr.'s name
crops up in connection with the Kennedy assassination in several different
different ways. (For more discussion of
this subject, see also: RFA-37, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-20,
M-24, FTR #’s 228, 236, 244.) The
talk details the links of George Bush Senior to the shooting of President
Reagan. At the time Reagan was shot,
former Director of Central Intelligence Bush was Vice-President.) John Hinckley was a former member of the
National Socialist Party of America. (San
Francisco Examiner, 3/31/81.) He
was expelled for being so violent that his fellow Nazis suspected him of being
a government agent. (Idem.) In October of 1980, Hinckley had been
arrested at the Nashville (Tennessee) airport as then President Jimmy Carter
was due to arrive. (Idem.) At the time, he had a .38 caliber pistol and
two .22 caliber handguns in his possession, along with 50 rounds of
ammunition. (Idem.) Interestingly, this former resident of
Dallas, Texas, had purchased the weapons at Rocky's Pawn Shop, on the very
street on which President Kennedy had been assassinated. (Idem.)
One wonders to what extent some of these "coincidences" were
intended to send a message. The Nazi
party to which Hinckley belonged had been founded by George Lincoln Rockwell,
whose Arlington (Virginia) name and address were in Lee Harvey Oswald's address
book at the time of his (Oswald"s) arrest. (For more on the Oswald--Rockwell-JFK assassination connection,
see also: G-4, RFA-13, Miscellaneous Archive Show M-20, Lecture L-3, and
FTR-188.) Hinckley had attended
a memorial march to commemorate Rockwell.
(San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) The lecture sets forth evidence that Hinckley's father, John
Hinckley Sr., had been a significant contributor to George Bush's primary
campaign (when Bush Sr. was challenging Ronald Reagan for the nomination.) (Idem.) The night after the shooting, John Jr.'s
brother, Scott Hinckley, was scheduled to have dinner with Neil Bush (George
W.'s brother and, like "Dubya" and George Sr, a petroleum industry
professional.) (San Francisco
Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Scott was, at
the time, an executive with the Hinckley family's independent oil company,
Vanderbilt Energy. (San Jose
Mercury, 4/1/81, p. 24A, San Francisco Chronicle, 4/1/81.) Hinckley Sr.'s participation in a Christian
Evangelical organization called World Vision is of more than passing
interest. (San Francisco Examiner,
3/31/81.) World Vision had served as a
front for U.S. intelligence in Central America, employing former members of
Anastazio Somoza's National Guard to inform on El Salvadorian refugees in Costa
Rica. (National Catholic Reporter,
4/23/82.) A number of the refugees were
liquidated, after being identified as guerilla sympathizers by World Vision
operatives. (Idem.) World Vision had also functioned as a front
for U.S. intelligence in Southeast Asia dring the Vietnam War. (Christian Century Magazine,
7/4-7/11/1979.) Hinckley Sr.'s
participation in World Vision, the latter's connections to U.S. intelligence,
and the closeness of the Bush and Hinckley families should be evaluated in
light of the fact that George Sr. had been head of the CIA. Hinckley Jr. was eventually represented by
the law firm of Edward Bennett Williams, one of the most powerful law firms in
Washington D.C. (San Francisco
Examiner, 4/1/81, p. A12.) The
Williams firm's previous clinents included former CIA director Richard Helms,
Robert Vesco (also connected to U.S. intelligence), Jimmy Hoffa and John
Connally. With the assistance of the
Williams law firm's representation (and a pliant media establishment)
Hinckley's documented Nazi connections were magically transformed into
"delusions" of this "lone nut." (San Francisco Chronicle, 5/18/82.) The lecture highlights the phony "oil
shortage" of the late 1970's against the background of the allegedly real
"oil shortage" of the year 2000.
(The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335.) (For an in-depth interview with John Loftus
about this book, see FTR-29.) In
this important and extensively-footnoted volume, the authors draw on veteran
American and British intelligence officers in order to document collusion among
elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum industry and the government of
Saudi Arabia. Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum
shortfall, as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production.
Career oil industry professional George Bush gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report
that falsely maintained forecast a world-wide oil shortage. (Idem.) The report also ruminated about the
possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East in order to augment
allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the report was to influence
Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and to mandate weapons sales to Saudi
Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet menace". (Idem.)
Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger instead responded with a
program of conservation. This enraged
the petroleum interests, which then responded with the phony "gas
shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel Jimmy Carter from
office. (Schlesinger had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.)
Former CIA director Bush became Vice-President under Reagan and (according to
some sources.) became "power behind the throne." Eventually, it became evident that the CIA report
was false, and that the Middle East was swimming in oil. Nonetheless, the CIA/Saudi/petroleum
industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into accepting dramatically
higher gasoline prices, destabilizing the Carter administration, and persuading
Congress and the President to authorize a Saudi military buildup. That Saudi build-up tipped the military
balance of power in favor of the Arabs.
Most importantly, the phony oil shortage set the stage for an
unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan administrations. That military build-up tripled the U.S.
national debt in eight years. The talk
highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign conspired with the
Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure Carter’s defeat. (For more about this subject, see also: RFA
#’s 31, 38, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-50, M-51.) Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in
petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil
prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession
of George W. Bush. It was during the
phony oil shortage of ‘79-80 that George W’s first business venture took
shape. The genesis of his first oil
company involved many of the conspiratorial forces that overlapped his father’s
tenure as CIA director (and, later, as Vice-President.) Bush's Arbusto Energy company was begun,
in part, with money from one James R. Bath.
Bath's reputed associations run from the Central Intelligence Agency to
the failed BCCI. The latter was a
financial institution involved in drug-dealing, terrorism and arms
trafficking. (It was used by Oliver
North for some of his Iran-Contra machinations. For more on BCCI, see also Miscellaneous Archive Show M-51,
as well as FTR-29.) Bath was the
Texas business representative for Saudi terrorist Osama Bin Laden's family and
the money he used to help start Arbusto may very well have come, in part,
from the Bin Laden family. (Bath
appears to have had little or no capital of his own at this time.) Bath told a business associate that he had
been personally recruited into the CIA by George H.W. Bush, when he was
director of the Agency. Bath also
claimed that his involvement with his Saudi clients was undertaken at the
specific request of the senior Bush.
(Presumably, this would have included his work on behalf of the Bin
Laden family.) Next, the lecture focuses on George H.W. Bush's pivotal role in
the Iran-Contra and "Iraqgate" scandals. After discussion of his pardoning of several key participants in
the affair, the talk turns to his involvment in the events themselves. (The Los Angeles Times; 8/28/2000; p.
A13.) The discussion focuses on Bush
and the world of "international terrorism." (The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 407-409; p.
429.) Having chaired the
Vice-President's Task Force on Counter-Terrorism, George H.W. Bush oversaw and
implemented recommendations issueing from that Task Force. In a series of National Security Decision
Directives, Bush was given command of what authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons
describe as "His (Bush's) own private spy agency," and "a White
House within the White House."
(See FTR-29.) Ostensibly
created to provide a rapid, prophylactic response to "international terrorism," these networks became the
primary vehicle for the realization of the ill-fated, illegal and treasonous
Iran-Contra and Iraqgate schemes. Far
from being "out of the loop," as he claimed, George Bush was the
primary player in both affairs. (Idem.) His "private spy agency" was the
most significant element in the both the administration and implementation of
the opertations. (Idem.) The name of George W's brother Neil also
surfaced in connection with the S & L scandal. Neil Bush approved many of the bad loans that collapsed Denver's
Silverado Savings and Loan. (The
Houston Post, 2/4/1990.) (It should
be noted that George H.W. Bush chaired the task force that crafted the
"reforms" under which the looting of the S & L's took place. It should also be noted that Neil Bush's
name also figures in the scenario surrounding the shooting of President Reagan--see
FTR-244.) Neil Bush's name also
surfaced in connection with the Sun-Flo case in Colorado. ("Dealer's Choice: A Colorado Invention
Was Supposed to End World Hunger, but Instead Left Investors High and Dry"
by Bryan Abas; Westword; 7/13-19/1988.)
Bush's name was used to help raise money for a dehydration device
designed to preserve produce in Third World areas. (Idem.) It appears that
the enterprise was a scam to raise money for cocaine trafficking, possibly in
connection with the Contra support effort in Central America. (Idem.)
Neil and W's brother Jeb (currently governor of Florida) also assisted
with the prosecution of the Contra War in Nicaragua. Jeb Bush served as his father's liaison to the anti-Castro Cuban
community in Florida. ("The Family
That Preys Together" by Jack Calhoun; Covert Action Information
Bulletin #41; Summer 1992.) The
anti-Castro Cubans were deeply involved in the Contra support effort. Jeb Bush also maintined contacts with
figures from the Miami underworld milieu.
(Idem.) The discussion outlines
forth a Byzantine series of machinations, through which an airplane purchased
for smuggling operations by drug smuggler, DEA informant and Iran-Contra
lynchpin Barry Seal wound up being Texas Governor George Bush's favorite
aircraft. Barry Seal's expertise as a
drug pilot par excellence, his
aircraft, as well as his bases of operations were tailor-made for the Reagan
adminsitration's clandestine wars in Central America, particularly the Contra
support effort. Moreover, the winding
path followed by "Zero-Eight Foxtrot" from Seal to the Governor's
mansion is an excellent vantage point for examining the myriad and overlapping
criminal conspiracies that helped to support the Contra war. (The plane's nickname is derived from its
registration number.) Following the
aircraft's trail, one will come across drug-smuggling, the savings and loan
scandal, insurance scams and other "bust-out" operations, the
proceeds from which went to finance the Contras. The talk also details the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and the
effect his death may have had on the campaign.
The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the crash
was not an accident. Contrary to news
reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from between
two and five miles. Kennedy was about
four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of the
island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday"
distress call. Eyewitnesses reported
Kennedy's plane aproaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100
feet. (This contrasts markedly with the
"radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane
beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy
would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of
Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying time. Some reports erroneously said he had as
little as 35 hours.) Eyewitnesses
reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the water when Kennedy's
plane disappeared. Most importantly, numerous
media political pundits reported that Kennedy was going to be offered either
the Presidential or (as is most likely) Vice-Presidential nomination, in an
attempt to assure victory for the Democrats in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility. (For more on this subject, see also: FTR #’s 175, 247.) (Recorded on 10/14/2000 at the Fort Mason
Center in San Francisco.)
L-10 The Electoral Coup of the Year 2000 (Approximately 108 minutes) (Sources for many of the points of discussion are noted in
parentheses.) $13.00
Prussian military theoretician Karl Von Clausewitz observed that “war is the
continuation of politics by other means.”
By the same token, politics could be seen as “the continuation of war by
other means.” This lecture analyzes the
election of the year 2000 as constituting a coup d’etat and highlights a number
of different aspects of the political landscape in 1999 and 2000. The
discussion details what was, in effect, a military-style operation. In that context, a number of violent actions
(some of them lethal) were conducted in combination with a strategic program of
political and psychological warfare.
These elements can be understood in the context of a military paradigm
and, together, they doomed the Gore campaign.
The talk begins with brief discussion of the destabilization of
President Clinton’s regime. (This subject
is presented at great length in L-8.)
This destabilization fractured the ranks of the Democratic Party and
made it extremely difficult for Gore to politically exploit the economic
success of the Clinton years. The
substantive part of the lecture begins with the probable murder of JFK, Jr. and
the effect his death may have had on the campaign. The available evidence suggests the distinct possibility that the
crash was not an accident. Contrary to
news reports at the time, the weather was clear and the visibility was from
between two and five miles. Kennedy was
about four minutes from the airport, was within visual contact radius of
the island and had radioed the airport to get permission to land. He did not broadcast a "Mayday"
distress call. Eyewitnesses reported
Kennedy's plane aproaching the airport at an altitude of less than 100
feet. (This contrasts markedly with the
"radar track" which was leaked to the media, showing Kennedy's plane
beginning its "graveyard spiral" at an altitude of 1800 ft. It is extraordinarily unlikely that Kennedy
would have been at that altitude when coming in for a landing. Contrary to press reports at the time of
Kennedy's death, he was an excellent pilot with over 300 hours of flying
time. Some reports erroneously said he
had as little as 35 hours.)
Eyewitnesses reported seeing a "flash" or explosion over the
water when Kennedy's plane disappeared.
Most importantly, numerous media political pundits reported that
Kennedy was going to be offered either the Presidential or (as is most likely)
Vice-Presidential nomination, in an attempt to assure victory for the Democrats
in the 2000 election! His death eliminated that possibility. (For more on this subject, see also: FTR
#’s 175, 247.) Mr. Emory also noted
that, at the time of the death of JFK, Jr., his father’s assassination was once
again on the front burner. Boris
Yeltsin publicly gave President Clinton the KGB files on Oswald (which
demonstrated that they felt Oswald was probably an American agent.) (Tabloids reported, perhaps incorrectly,
that JFK, Jr. was interested in investigating his father’s murder.) The lecture highlights the phony "oil
shortage" of the late 1970's against the background of the allegedly real
"oil shortage" of the year 2000.
(The Secret War Against the Jews; pp. 333-335. For more on this subject, see L-9 and
FTR-214.) (For an in-depth
interview with John Loftus about this book, see FTR-29.) In The Secret War Against the Jews,
the authors draw on veteran American and British intelligence officers in order
to document collusion among elements of George Bush's CIA, the petroleum
industry and the government of Saudi Arabia.
Together, these elements fabricated an alleged Soviet petroleum shortfall,
as well as a phony "decline" in Saudi oil production. Career oil industry professional George Bush
gave Jimmy Carter a CIA report that falsely forecast a world-wide oil
shortage. (Idem.) The report also
ruminated about the possibility that the Soviets might invade the Middle East
in order to augment allegedly failing domestic production. The goal of the
report was to influence Jimmy Carter to increase oil production and sell
weapons to Saudi Arabia in order to "defend against the Soviet
menace". (Idem.) Carter and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger
instead responded with a program of conservation. This enraged the petroleum interests, which then responded with
the phony "gas shortage" of 1979. This gas shortage helped to propel
Jimmy Carter from office. (Schlesinger
had resigned his post earlier in Carter's administration.) Former CIA director Bush became
Vice-President under Reagan and (according to some sources.) became "power
behind the throne." Eventually, it
became evident that the CIA report was false, and that the Middle East was swimming
in oil. Nonetheless, the
CIA/Saudi/petroleum industry fraud was successful in conning consumers into
accepting dramatically higher gasoline prices. Those rising prices destabilized
the Carter administration, and persuaded Congress and the President to
authorize a Saudi military buildup.
That Saudi build-up tipped the military balance of power in favor of the
Arabs. Most importantly, the phony oil
shortage set the stage for an unprecedented military build-up during the Reagan
administrations. That military build-up
tripled the U.S. national debt in eight years.
The talk highlights the manner in which the Reagan-Bush campaign
conspired with the Muslim fundamentalist forces in Iran in order to assure
Carter’s defeat. (For more about this
subject, see also: RFA #’s 31, 38, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-50, M-51.) Mr. Emory speculates that the rise in
petroleum prices in the year 2000 was deliberately contrived to drive up oil
prices, aggravate voters, weaken the economy and pave the way for the accession
of George W. Bush. In this very
close Presidential race, the small percentage of the vote garnered by Green
Party candidate Ralph Nader did, as some critics had warned, prove to have
decisive impact. Mr. Emory presents the
Nader candidacy as constituting, in effect, one part of a “pincers
movement.” (This is a military
strategy, in which an attacking force simultaneously strikes at both of the
enemy’s flanks.) The Nader candidacy
pinned down the Gore campaign by attacking it from the ideological left, as
Bush was attacking the Vice President from the ideological right. By limiting Gore’s populist appeal and
attacking his environmental record, Nader denied vital strategic ground to the
Gore campaign. (More than any other
mainstream politician, Gore was identified with environmental causes.) A vote for Nader was indeed a vote for Bush,
particularly in Florida. (Nader got
more than 90,000 votes in Florida.) In
addition to analyzing the Nader campaign from a strategic perspective, Mr.
Emory detailed some aspects of Nader’s financial and professional history that
have escaped popular attention. In
particular, the discussion highlights the hypocritical investment policy that
Ralph Nader has executed. ("How
Nader Profits While He Preaches" by Jeff McMahon; bushwatch.net/nader.htm;
10/27/2000.) Nader owns up to $250,000
worth of shares of Fidelity Magellan Fund, a firm that is heavily invested in
many of the corporations that Nader has been most vocal in criticizing. (Idem.)
Among those firms that Fidelity invests in are Halliburton oil, headed
by Dick Cheney until shortly after his nomination as Bush’s running mate.
Fidelity also invests in Occidental Petroleum, a firm that has been criticized
by environmentalists. Al Gore’s
mother’s trust owns a significant block of Occidental stock. Gore’s populist credentials have been
impugned by Nader Vice-Presidential candidate Winona La Duke because of that
stock. (Idem.) The lecture underscores disturbing aspects
of Nader’s anti-labor activities, and his avoidance of social issues. Multi-millionaire Nader has fiercely
resisted attempts at unionization by the underpaid employees of his
organizations. ("1.75 Cheers for Ralph"
by Doug Henwood; Left Business Observer; 10/1996 [#74 Mr. Emory sets forth Nader’s refusal to prevent publication of
CIA/corporate collusion in his Multinational Monitor (Idem.) Another effective element of political and
psychological warfare that worked against Gore was the Wen Ho Lee case. A Taiwanese American citizen who had been
employed as a nuclear scientist at the Los Alamos National Laboratory, Lee was
falsely charged with espionage in 1999, triggering a Republican-led
congressional investigation. That investigation hinted that Lee’s alleged
espionage on behalf of the People’s Republic of China was linked to
"Chinese" campaign donations to the Clinton administration. The case garnered much journalistic
attention, and cast a pall of suspicion on Asian Americans employed in sensitive
national security-related jobs. Most
importantly, it figured in the criticism that the Republicans directed toward
the Democrats during the 2000 campaign.
Al Gore’s appearance at the much-ballyhooed Buddhist Temple
fundraiser was utilized by the Republicans to race bait the Gore campaign by
associating it with “the yellow peril.”
In this lecture, Mr. Emory sets forth the details of one of the arms
deals that Oliver North’s Iran-Contra operatives arranged - a missile sale from
the People’s Republic of China to the Contras.
(For more on the Iran-Contra scandal, see RFA #’s 29-35.) The
American-supplied Contra guerillas were looking for weapons with which to
effectively combat the Sandinistas’ Soviet-supplied attack helicopters. North arranged for a shipment of SA-7
surface-to-air missiles to be sent to the Contras. The documented sharing of nuclear weapons information with the
PRC during the Reagan administration was characteristic of the type of quid pro
quo arrangement that Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh found to be commonplace
during the course of the Iran-Contra operations. Like other nations that
supplied weapons to the Contras for the Reagan Administration, the Chinese
expected favors in return for their efforts.
Since the alleged theft of nuclear secrets took place during the Reagan
and Bush years, they cannot be blamed on Clinton. The "theft" may
well have been an outgrowth of the SA-7 deal.
(For more on the sharing of the Reagan-Bush administration’s sharing of
nuclear information with the PRC, see also: Miscellaneous Archive Show M-35,
as well as FTR-144.)
Nonetheless, the Republicans have attempted to pin the blame on the
Clinton administration, campaigning on the falsehood that the Democrats
compromised American nuclear security in exchange for campaign contributions. Among the most vocal of those pinning the
blame for the Lee affair on the Clinton administration was Judge James Parker,
a Reagan appointee. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) The program
highlights the fact that Lee and his wife had cooperated with the CIA in
connection with his Chinese contacts. (San Jose Mercury News; 8/11/2000; p.
10A.) Mr. Emory also notes that Energy
Secretary Bill Richardson was savaged by Judge Parker and the Republicans, and
speculates about the possible use of the Lee/PRC contacts as a campaign dirty
trick. (The New York Times; 9/14/2000; p. A1.) Richardson at one time was
considered a possible Vice Presidential running mate for Al Gore. In addition, the Lee case helped to
discredit the Department of Energy and made it difficult for that Department to
follow Clinton’s directive to help hold down the price of oil. This added to the effectiveness of what Mr.
Emory believes was a replay of the oil price gambit of 1979-80.
The
discussion then turns to the death of Missourri Governor Mel Carnahan. The New York Times noted that the Democrats
had a slim chance to retain control of the Senate. ("Democrats Have Outside Chance to Wrest Senate" by
David E. Rosenbaum; New York Times; 10/16/2000; p.1.) One of the races that offered the possibility of a Democratic
victory was the crucial race for the Senate seat held by John Ashcroft
(R-Missouri.) (Idem.)
The
day after that observation was printed, Ashcroft’s Democratic opponent,
Governor Mel Carnahan, was killed in the crash of a private plane. ("Governor, 2 Others Flying in Bad
Weather" by Jim Salter; San Francisco Examiner; 10/17/2000; ppA-1,
A-12.) An investigator noted that the
wreckage was found in " very small pieces spread over a large area,"
more characteristic of a bomb explosion than the accidental crash of an
aircraft. (Idem.) The crash came too late for the Democrats to
nominate an alternative candidate.
(Idem.) The broadcast
underscores contradictions in the official account of the tragedy. The plane
was initially reported to have crashed in very
bad
weather and (possibly) to have been struck by lightning. (Idem.) Subsequent accounts indicate that the
weather was not particularly bad for flying and that the pilot had reported
gyroscope trouble. ("Doomed Plane
Apparently Had Instrument Trouble" by John W. Fountain; New York Times;
10/18/2000; p. A20.) Analysis of
Carnahan’s death suggested that his demise would lessen the Democrats’ chances
of winning control of the Senate and reduce Gore’s chances of winning Missouri,
a crucial swing state. ("Equation
Changed by a Fatal Crash" by James Dao; New York Times; 10/18/2000; pp.
A1, A20.) The state Democratic infrastructure also was pessimistic about the
outcome for the Senate race. ("Governor Mourned as Public Servant" by
Stephanie Simon; San Jose Mercury News; 10/18/2000; p. 15A.) One should not fail to note the superficial
similarity to the death of John F. Kennedy Jr.
Although Ashcroft’s widow took his seat when he was posthumously
elected, Bush carried Missourri (a key swing state.) The role of Carnahan’s death in this campaign should not be
discounted. As discussed above, the
“oil shortage” of 1979-80 combined with the humiliation of the United States at
the hands of Islamic fundamentalists in Iran to assure Jimmy Carter’s election
defeat. An “oil shortage” and “Middle
Eastern terrorism” were front and center during the 2000 campaign, as
well. Tensions in the Middle East were
heightened by the bomb attack on the destroyer U.S.S. Cole. Initial evidence suggested that the forces
of Osama Bin Laden might have been behind the attack. ("U.S. Says Yemen
Attackers Used Inside Information" by David A. Vise and Vernon Loeb; San
Francisco Chronicle; 10/13/2000; p. A6.)
The lecture reviews information about the probable role of the Bin Laden
family in supplying a portion of the investment capital that was used to
establish George W. Bush’s first oil company.
(For references, see the description for FTR-248.) The possibility that petroleum-related
elements of U.S. intelligence and what Mr. Emory calls "the Underground
Reich" may have been behind the attack on the Cole should not be too
readily cast aside. The attack was used
by the Bush campaign to attack the Democrats.
Once again, Mr. Emory underscored the significance of the increase in
oil prices for the economy, the stock market and the Gore campaign. Oil price increases have historically led to
recessions and a falling Dow Jones Industrial average and, during Presidential
election years, this has led to the incumbent being voted out of office. ("Can Al Gore Survive Rising Oil Prices
and Falling Stocks?" by Floyd Norris; New York Times; 9/22/2000; p.
C1.) Once again, the fact that
Dubya’s father was the head of the CIA and the presence in the political
process of elements intimately involved with the Agency’s covert operations
establishment is not to be overlooked.
Much of the lecture sets forth information about the role in the 2000
electoral coup played by the CIA-linked, anti-Castro Cuban milieu in
Florida. (This information supplements
discussion presented in FTR-259.) The angry crowd that menaced (and
consequently affected) the Miami-Dade election officials was summoned by Radio
Mambi, closely connected to the Anti-Castro Cuban community in Miami. ("Miami’s Cuban Americans May Get the
Last Word" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News Service web site;
http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000.) The political milieu that generated the
furor over Elian Gonzalez is identical to that involved with intimidating the
Miami election officials, and has historical links to the Bush faction of the
CIA. (Idem.) Highlighting these connections in more detail, the discussion
highlights the role of the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) and its
founder Jorge Mas Canosa in setting up Radio Mambi. ("Miami-Dade
Reversal—A Cuban terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott;
Pacific News Service web site; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000.) Mr. Emory
relates informed speculation that the CIA (under William Casey) precipitated the
founding of CANF in 1981. (Idem.) Two of Mas Canosa’s proteges in CANF were the
brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo, both implicated in the assassination of
former Chilean Ambassador Orlando Letelier. (Idem.) (For more on the
connections between the milieu of the Letelier assassination and the Florida
electoral shenanigans, see the aforementioned FTR-259. For more on the
Republican mob in Miami, see also FTR-265.) The elder George Bush was
closely connected to this milieu, and deflected inquiries into the Letelier
assassination that led in the direction of the CIA supported coup in Chile.
(Idem.) The broadcast also details the connections of this milieu to
Cuban-Americans involved in the Contra support effort in the 1980’s. (Idem.)
This, too, was detailed in FTR-259.) Next, the discussion illuminates
the role of a Cuban-American splinter group (Vigilia Mambisa) in the agitation
that forced the halting of the recount. (Unpublished update by Professor Scott
to "Miami’s Cuban Americans May Get the Last Word" by Peter Dale
Scott; Pacific News Service web site; http://pacificnews.org; 12/4/2000; made
available to Mr. Emory by a kind listener.) The talk also sets forth links
between Florida Governor Jeb Bush, the CANF milieu, the Contra support effort,
and the failure of the Broward Federal Savings & Loan Association.
(Unpublished update by Professor Scott to "Miami-Dade Reversal—A Cuban
terrorist Payback to Bush Family?" by Peter Dale Scott; Pacific News
Service web site; http://pacificnews.org; 12/7/2000; made available to Mr.
Emory by a kind listener.) An "ex" CIA officer (Charles Kane)
allegedly participated in a scheme to deliver some of the fraudulent absentee
ballots that helped tip Florida to Bush. ("Absentee Ballot Fraud in 5
Florida Counties" by David E. Scheim; Associate Press; 12/7/2000; at
http://www.campaignwatch.org.) The
lecture highlighted the deliberate and fraudulent exclusion of African American
voters in Florida was discussed. Many
of them were labeled as "felons" and consequently prevented from
voting. In addition, it turns out that
the head of the political desk at Fox news (who led the media stampede to
reassign Florida from Gore to Bush) was Jeb and "W’s" cousin John
Ellis. ("One More election Embarrassment for the Press: Bush Cousin"
by Tom Rosenstiel; The Los Angeles Times; 11/15/2000; p. B9.) Ellis was in
close telephone contact with Jeb and "W" on election night,
apparently feeding them political intelligence on the election. ("News
Executive Called Races, and Bush" by Bill Carter; The New York Times;
11/14/2000; p. A17.) Ellis’ call led
the media charge to reverse the call of Florida as being won by Gore. This was critical to Bush’s success,
because it created the impression that Gore was a “sore loser” and facilitated
the capitulation of the Democrats.
The lecture also points out that Theodore Olson, the new Solicitor
General, was one of the lead attorneys for the Bush campaign in Florida. (The Solicitor General is often referred to
as “the tenth Supreme Court Justice.”)
Olson was heavily involved in the campaign to discredit Bill Clinton, as
well. The ascent of Olson and Ashcroft
to two of the most important positions in the Department of Justice could be
said to complete the electoral coup of the year 2000. The lecture concludes with analysis of the “energy crisis” in
California as a deliberately structured destabilization of the California
Democratic electoral base. California
went heavily for Gore in 2000 and Gray Davis has been discussed as a possible
opponent for Bush in 2000. The
California “energy crisis” may well be setting the stage for “the electoral
coup of the year 2004.” (See also: L
#’s 8 & 9, FTR #’s 214, 236, 244, 248, 249, 255, 256, 259, 265, 268, 271,
280.) (Recorded on 2/24/2001.)
L-11 The Protocols of the Elders of Oil (Approx. 142 minutes) $13.00
Recorded
on 11/17/01