FTR#579—Gimme a Break!—Reflections on the Death of Gerald Ford--(Two
30-minute segments) (Sources are noted in parentheses.) (Recorded on 1/7/2007.)
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Summary of FTR#579—(Note: The massive
volume of ‘For The Record’ programs about 9/11 and related topics is summarized
and analyzed in the periodically-updated description for FTR#391.
FTR#’s 454,
455, 456 are compilations of
much of the key documentation culled from Mr. Emory’s investigation into 9/11.
Along with FTR#391, they should give
listeners/readers a substantive grasp of this momentous event. It is
recommended that listeners use this description and e-mail it to others.) The recently deceased Gerald Ford is
remembered for his role in the Watergate Scandal. Having been appointed by
Nixon to replace Spiro Agnew as Vice-President, Ford announced, “Our long
national nightmare is over.” He then pardoned Nixon of all crimes that he had
committed. Nixon’s political downfall turned on his unwillingness to release
the Watergate tapes for fear that, if he did, “the whole Bay of Pigs thing”
would come out. Nixon aide H.R. “Bob” Haldeman subsequently disclosed that “the
whole Bay of Pigs thing” was a code word in the Nixon White House for the
assassination of President Kennedy. This program analyzes Gerald Ford’s role in
aiding the cover-up of Watergate and, by extension, the assassination of
President Kennedy. A member of the Warren Commission, Ford was an informant for
J. Edgar Hoover on the Commission’s activities. More importantly, Ford was
present at the Commission’s interview with Jack Ruby. Ruby tried to confess
that he was part of a conspiracy to murder the President, but Ford and the
others present refused to entertain Ruby’s assertions. Among those present at
Ruby’s interview was Leon Jaworski, who replaced Archibald Cox as Watergate
Special Prosecutor. Present at Ruby’s Warren Commission interview with Ford,
Jaworski served the Commission as one of its counsels. When he replaced Cox as
Watergate Special Prosecutor and Ford replaced Agnew as Vice-President, Nixon’s
fate was in the hands of two insiders who could be counted upon to continue the
long cover-up. This was essential, because Nixon was in Dallas, Texas on
11/22/1963. When interviewed by the FBI in February of 1964, Nixon lied and
said that the only time he had been in Dallas in 1963 was “two days prior to
the assassination.” That lie constituted grounds for convicting Nixon of
perjury and indicting him for the assassination of the assassination of
President Kennedy.
Program Highlights Include: A UPI interview with Nixon in Dallas on 11/21/63, a day after he told the
FBI he left Dallas (published in the 11/22/1963 edition of The New York Times); Nixon’s alleged attendance at a final
planning session for the JFK assassination at independent oil man Clint
Murchison’s home on 11/21/1963; FBI director J. Edgar Hoover’s alleged
attendance at the same planning meeting; Leon Jaworski’s membership on the
board of directors of the M.D. Anderson Fund, a CIA domestic funding conduit;
White House counsel Charles Colson’s alleged hiring of veteran intelligence
operative Gordon Novel to study the feasibility of erasing the White House
tapes (the formidable Mr. Novel was a focal point of New Orleans D.A. Jim
Garrison’s investigation into the Kennedy assassination); Novel’s enigmatic
hints on radio and in print that he may have
erased the tapes; Ruby’s last letter from prison, indicating that Nazis were in
control of the country.
1.
Beginning with the subject of the Watergate scandal and investigation,
the program introduces the event with which Gerald Ford is most identified.
Before being appointed Vice-President, succeeding to the Oval Office after
Nixon’s resignation, and pardoning Nixon for all crimes he had committed,
Gerald Ford was one of Nixon’s closest political allies within the GOP. This
association became even more important as the Watergate scandal and
investigation gathered momentum. “Months before
Richard Nixon set Michigan congressman Gerald Ford on the path to the White
House, Nixon turned to Ford, who called himself the embattled president’s ‘only
real friend,’ to get him out of trouble. During one of the darkest days of the Watergate
scandal, Nixon secretly confided in Ford, at the time the House minority
leader. He begged for help. He complained about fair-weather friends and swore
at perceived rivals in his own party. ‘Tell the guys, goddamn it, to get off
their ass and start fighting back,’ Nixon pleaded with Ford in one call
recorded by the president’s secret taping system. And Ford did. ‘Anytime you
want to do anything, under any circumstances, you give me a call, Mr.
President,’ he told Nixon during that May 1, 1973, conversation. ‘We’ll stand
by you morning, noon and night.’. . . .” (“How Ford Stood by ‘Real
Friend’ Nixon” by Bob Woodward [Washington Post]; San Francisco
Chronicle; 12/29/2006; p. A5.)
2.
The Woodward article highlighted the mutual enmity and alarm with which
both Ford and Nixon viewed House Majority leader Hale Boggs, D-La. Among the
first to publicly expose former FBI director J. Edgar Hoover’s illegal
surveillance of American politicians, Boggs had been a dissenting member of the
Warren Commission, who believed that Hoover, among others, withheld information
from the Warren Commission. As will be seen below, Ford was Hoover’s informant
on the Warren Commission. Boggs died in the crash of a small aircraft in Alaska
not too long after his exposure of Hoover’s activities. “ . . . On April 6, 1971, for example, Nixon called Ford to
find out what was going on with House Majority Leader Hale Boggs, D-La. Boggs
had just taken to the House floor saying that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was
regularly wiretapping members of Congress, and Nixon wanted to know why Boggs
was going public. . . .”(Idem.)
3.
In order to understand Watergate—the defining event of Gerald Ford’s
political career—it is essential to understand the assassination of President
Kennedy. Having been defeated by John F. Kennedy in the 1960 election, Nixon
was in Dallas from 11/20/63 until 11/22/1963, flying out an hour or two
before President Kennedy was assassinated! When interviewed by the FBI in
February of 1964, Nixon claimed that the only time he had been in Dallas in
1963 was “two days prior” to the assassination. This was an obvious lie and
would have been grounds for convicting Nixon of perjury and indicting him for
the assassination of President Kennedy. (The Assassination of President
Kennedy: Coincidence or Conspiracy?; Bernard Fensterwald, Jr.;
published by Zebra Books [SC], division of Kensington publishing, in 1977.)
4.
Next, the program features the reading of an article from The New
York Times of 11/22/1963. The article is a UPI interview with Nixon in
Dallas on 11/21/1963, a full day after he told the FBI he had left Dallas!
5.
Presenting a speculative element in the analysis, the broadcast sets
forth a passage from Penn Jones’ Forgive My Grief, Volume III, in which
Jones discusses the assertion that Nixon was at a final “go” planning
conference for the assassination at independent oil man Clint Murchison,
Seniorr’s mansion the night before Kennedy was killed. FBI director J. Edgar
Hoover was one of the participants in this alleged conference, along with Nixon
and Murchison. (Murchison was alleged by Robert De Pugh—head of the
paramilitary right wing group the Minutemen—to have been the main financier of
the American Nazi Party. American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell’s
Arlington, Virginia address and telephone number were in Lee Harvey Oswald’s
address book at the time of his arrest.) (Forgive My Grief, Volume III;
Penn Jones; Midlothian Mirror [SC]; Copyright 1969.)
6.
Next, the program takes up the subject of the Watergate tapes,
generated by Nixon’s secret White House taping system. When Nixon aide
Alexander Butterfield disclosed the existence of the taping system, it led to
attempts by the Watergate prosecutor to obtain the tapes. Nixon expressed fear
that, if the tapes were released, “the whole Bay of Pigs thing” would come out.
Former Nixon aide Robert “Bob” Haldeman disclosed that the phrase “the whole
Bay of Pigs thing” was a code word in the Nixon White House for the
assassination of President Kennedy. (The Ends of Power; by Robert Haldeman
and Joseph Di Mona; New York Times Books [HC]; 1978.)
7.
Interestingly (and perhaps significantly), White House counsel Charles
“Chuck” Colson allegedly requisitioned formidable veteran intelligence
operative Gordon Novel to study the feasibility of erasing the Watergate tapes
with a high tech device. Novel was a principal figure in New Orleans District
Attorney Jim Garrison’s investigation into the assassination of President
Kennedy, with great expertise in electronic counterintelligence. Colson later dismissed
this allegation as fantastic in nature. (The Assassination of President
Kennedy: Coincidence or Conspiracy?; Bernard Fensterwald, Jr.)
8.
Although he denies having erased the Watergate tapes, Mr. Novel had an
interesting, enigmatic comment in a letter to a high tech publication in which
he alluded to his “ . . . . ultra high technology
counterintelligence role in Watergate--to erase the White House Tapes [sic]”.
(Excerpt from The Guns of
November, Part III; Technology Illustrated; July/1983.)
9.
Accessing yet another piece of information from the archives, the
broadcast accesses part of a remarkable interview conducted with Mr. Emory on a
commercial FM station in 1984. The formidable Gordon Novel called in and, in
response to Mr. Emory’s question “So you deny
actually having erased the Watergate Tapes?” Mr. Novel replied,
enigmatically “Only ‘cause they didn’t pay me.”
(Excerpt from FTR#253;
Interview with Dave Emory from The Expressway, hosted by Larry
Johnson on KOME-FM [San Jose]; 10/29/1984.)
10.
Next, the program highlights Gerald Ford’s role as J. Edgar Hoover’s
informant on the Warren Commission. If Penn Jones’ speculation about Nixon and
Hoover having attended a final “go” planning session for the assassination at
Clint Murchison’s home on 11/21/1963 is accurate, then Ford’s role assumes a
larger and more sinister significance. “ . . . The
committee learned next to nothing about Jack Ruby, little more about certain of
Lee Harvey Oswald’s associations, and nothing at all about the growing
escalation of mob threats against the president and attorney general, as picked
up by FBI bugs, taps, and informants. They were never informed of the Hosty
note, or the Trafficante threat, or Marcello’s ‘Livarsi na petra di la
scarpa!’ or of any other assassination talk the FBI may have overheard and
suppressed. Nor were they told that Hoover’s informant on the commission was
Representative Gerald Ford. . . .” (J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and
His Secrets; Copyright 1991 by Curt Gentry; Plume [Penguin Group] {SC};
ISBN 0-452-26904-0; p. 555.)
11.
The conclusion of the program consists of excerpts from Jack Ruby’s
testimony before the Warren Commission on 6/7/1964. [The excerpts presented
here are from Volume V of the Warren Commission Testimony and Exhibits, pp.
181-212.) Present at this interview (in addition to Chief Justice of the U.S.
Supreme Court Earl Warren) were Gerald Ford, Leon Jaworski and Arlen Specter.
Specter is currently a United States Senator from Pennsylvania. Jaworski was a
Warren Commission counsel, as well as being one of two heads of the Texas Court
of Inquiry—the entity put together by the state of Texas to look into the
killing. In addition, Jaworski was a member of the board of directors of the
M.D. Anderson Fund, a CIA domestic funding conduit. When Gerald Ford replaced
Nixon as President (after Spiro Agnew’s resignation) and Jaworski replaced
Archibald Cox as Watergate Special Prosecutor, the Watergate investigation was
positioned to make sure that “the whole Bay of Pigs thing” would not
come out! “ . . .RUBY: Is there any way to get me
to Washington? WARREN: I beg your pardon? RUBY: Is there any way of you getting me to Washington? WARREN: I don’t know of any. I will be glad to talk to
your counsel about what the situation is, Mr. Ruby, when we get an opportunity
to talk. [Ruby has been intermittently begging a chance to talk to Warren
alone.] RUBY: I don’t think I will get a fair
representation with my counsel, Joe Tonahill. I don’t think so. I would like to
request that I go to Washington and you take all the tests that I have to take.
It is very important. [Ruby’s counsel Joe] TONAHILL: Jack, will you
tell him why you don’t think you will get a fair representation? RUBY: Because I have been over this for the longest time to
get the lie detector test. Somebody has been holding it back from me. .
. . .” (The Yankee and Cowboy War;
Carl Oglesby; Copyright 1976, 1977 by Carl Oglesby; Berkley Medallion [SC];
ISBN 425-03493-3; p. 119.)
12.
As he does throughout the interview, Ruby requests that he be taken to
Washington and expresses fear for his life if he unburdens himself in Dallas,
in the presence of people he does not trust. “ . .
. RUBY: Gentlemen, unless you get me to Washington, you can’t get a fair shake
out of me. If you understand my way of talking, you have got to bring me to
Washington to get the tests. Do I sound dramatic? Off the beam? WARREN: No; you are speaking very, very rationally, and I
am really surprised that you can remember as much as you have remembered up to
the present time. You have given it to us in great detail. RUBY: Unless you can get me to Washington, and I am not a
crackpot, I have all my senses—I don’t want to evade any crime I am guilty of.
But Mr. Moore, have I spoken this way when we have talked? MOORE: Yes. [Elmer W. Moore is a Secret Service agent.] RUBY: Unless you get me to Washington immediately, I am
afraid after what Mr. Tonahill has written there . . . . Well, it is too bad,
Chief Warren, that you didn’t get me to your headquarters six months ago. . .
.” (Ibid.; p. 120.)
13.
Ruby continues to request a lie-detector test, inquiring if one could
be administered in Dallas. “ . . . RUBY: Are you
staying overnight here, Chief Warren? WARREN:
No; I have to be back, because we have an early session of Court tomorrow
morning. RUBY: I there any way of getting the
polygraph here? DECKER: [Dallas County Sheriff
J.E. (Bill) Decker] May I make a suggestion? Jack, listen, you and I have had a
lot of dealings. Do you want my officers removed from the room while you talk
to this Commission? RUBY: That wouldn’t prove
any truth. . . . I wish the President were right here now. It is a terrible ordeal, I tell
you that . . . .” (Ibid.; p. 121.)
14.
After unsuccessfully attempting to have Sherriff Decker clear the room
of everyone (including his attorney Tonahill), except for the Commissioners and
Commission counsels in attendance, Ruby continues: “RUBY:
. . . Gentlemen, if you want to hear any further testimony, you will have to
get me to Washington soon, because it has something to do with you, Chief
Warren. Do I sound sober enough to tell you this? WARREN: Yes; go right ahead. RUBY: I
want to tell the truth, and I can’t tell it here. I can’t tell it here.
Does that make sense to you? [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] WARREN: Well, let’s not talk about sense. But I really
can’t see why you can’t tell this Commission. RUBY:
But this isn’t the place for me to tell what I want to tell. . . . Chief
Warren, your life is in danger in this city, do you know that? WARREN: No; I don’t know that. If that is the thing that
you don’t want to talk about, you can tell me, if you wish, when this is all
over, just between you and me. RUBY: No; I
would like to talk to you in private. WARREN:
You may do that when you finish your story. You may tell me that phase of it.” (Ibid.; pp. 122-123.)
15.
Ruby requests that Warren take him back to Washington to give
testimony. Warren doesn’t want to hear about it. “RUBY:
I bet you haven’t had a witness like me in your whole investigation, is that
correct? WARREN: There are many witnesses
whose memory has not been as good as yours. I tell you that, honestly. RUBY: My reluctance to talk—you haven’t had any witness in
telling the story, in finding so many problems. WARREN:
You have a greater problem than any witness we have had. RUBY: I have a lot of reasons for having those problems. WARREN: I know that, and we want to respect your rights,
whatever they may be. And I only want to hear what you are willing to tell us,
because I realize that you still have a great problem before you, and I am not
trying to press you. . . . RUBY: When are you
going back to Washington? WARREN: I am going
back very shortly after we finish this hearing—I am going to have some lunch. RUBY: Can I make a statement? WARREN: Yes. RUBY: If you request me to
go back to Washington with you right now, that couldn’t be done, could it? WARREN: No; it could not be done. It could not be done.
There are a good many things involved in that, Mr. Ruby. RUBY: What are they? WARREN:
Well, the public attention that it would attract, and the people who would be
around. We have no place for you to be safe when we take you out, and we are
not law enforcement officers, and it isn’t our responsibility to go into
anything of that kind. And certainly it couldn’t be done on a moment’s notice
this way. RUBY: Gentlemen, my life is in danger
here. Not with my guilty plea of execution [i.e., not because of killing
Oswald]. Do I sound sober enough to you as I say this? WARREN: You do. You sound entirely sober. RUBY: From the moment I started my testimony, have I sounded
as though, with the exception of becoming emotional, haven’t I sounded as
though I made sense, what I was speaking about? WARREN:
You have indeed. I understand everything you have said. If I haven’t, it is my
fault.” (Ibid.; pp. 123-124.)
16.
Commenting on Warren’s response in the passage that follows, author
Oglesby comments: “A prize specimen of Warren integrity: If telling us the
truth in Dallas would hurt you, cost you your life, we’d rather you just left
it unsaid than go to the trouble of getting you to a place where you could feel
safe to say it. . . .” “RUBY: Then I follow this
up. I may not live tomorrow to give any further testimony. The reason why I add
this to this, since you assure me that I have been speaking sense by then, I
might be speaking sense by following what I have said, and the only thing I
want to get out to the public, and I can’t say it here, is with authenticity,
with sincerity of the truth of everything and why my act was committed, but it
can’t be said here. It can be said, it’s got to be said amongst people of
the highest authority that would give me the benefit of doubt. And
following that, immediately give me the lie-detector test after I do make the
statement. Chairman Warren, if you felt that your life was in danger at the
moment, how would you feel? Wouldn’t you be reluctant to go on speaking, even
though you request me to do so? [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] WARREN: I think I might have some reluctance if I was
in your position, yes: I think I would. I think I would figure it out very
carefully as to whether it would endanger me or not. If you think that anything
that I am doing or anything that I am asking you is endangering you in any way,
shape, or form, I want you to feel absolutely free to say that the interview is
over. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] RUBY: What
happens then? I didn’t accomplish anything.” (Ibid.; p. 124.)
17.
Indicative of Warren’s mindset toward Ruby is the fact that, according
to Warren, the Commission would not have interviewed Ruby at all if his
sister had not written to the commissioners requesting that they do so! “WARREN: No, nothing has been accomplished. RUBY: Well, then you won’t follow up with anything further? WARREN: There wouldn’t be anything to follow up if you
hadn’t completed your statement. RUBY: You said
you have the power to do what you want to do, is that correct? WARREN: Exactly. RUBY:
Without any limitations? WARREN: Within the
purview of the Executive Order which established the Commission. . . . RUBY: But you don’t have the right to take a prisoner back
with you when you want to? WARREN: No; we
have the power to subpoena witnesses to Washington if we want to do it, but we
have taken the testimony of 200 or 300 people, I would imagine, here in Dallas
without going to Washington. RUBY: Yes; but
those people aren’t Jack Ruby. WARREN: No;
they weren’t. RUBY: They weren’t. WARREN: Now I want you to feel that we are not here to
take any advantage of you, because I know that you are in a delicate position,
and unless you had indicated not only through your lawyers but also through
your sister, who wrote a letter addressed either to me or to Mr. Rankin saying
that you wanted to testify before the Commission, unless she had told us that,
I wouldn’t have bothered you. . . . RUBY: The
thing is, that with your power that you have, Chief Justice Warren, and all
these gentlemen, too much time has gone by for me to give you any benefit of
what I may say now. . . .” (Ibid.; p. 125.)
18.
As he has throughout the interview, Warren rebuffs Ruby’s entreaties.
It is clear that Warren is anything but receptive to discussion of a possible
conspiracy to murder the President. “WARREN: Mr. Ruby, I think you are entitled to a statement
to this effect, because you have been frank with us and have told us your
story. I think I can say to you that there has been no witness before this
commission out of the hundreds we have questioned who has claimed to have any
personal knowledge that you were a party to any conspiracy to kill our
President. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] RUBY:
Yes, but you don’t know this area here. [They squabble about the point. Warren
really wants to evade this.] WARREN: Well,
I will make this additional statement to you, that if any witness should
testify before the Commission that you were, to their knowledge, a party to any
conspiracy to assassinate the President, I assure you that we will give you the
opportunity to deny it and to take any tests that you may desire to so disprove
it. . . .”
(Ibid.; p. 130.)
19.
Having understood the profound nature of the events of 11/22/1963, Ruby
that “a whole new form of government” will come to power as a result of those
events. “RUBY:
. . . . And I wish that our beloved President, Lyndon Johnson, would
have delved deeper into the situation, hear me, not to accept just
circumstantial facts about my guilt or innocence, and would have questioned to
find out the truth about me before he relinquished certain powers to these
certain people. . . .Consequently, a whole new form of government is going
to take over our country, and I know I won’t live to see you another time.
[Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] Do I sound sort of screwy in telling you these
things? WARREN: No; I think that is what you
believe or you wouldn’t tell it under your oath. RUBY: But it is a very serious situation. I guess it is too late to stop
it, isn’t it. . . .” (Ibid.; p. 131.)
20.
Warren Commission member (and FBI informant) Gerald Ford joins the
discussion. Ruby continues to beg to be taken to Washington and warns of dire
consequences if he is not allowed to speak confidentially with the Commission. “FORD: Are there any
questions that ought to be asked to help clarify the situation that you
described? RUBY: There is only one thing. If
you don’t take me back to Washington tonight to give me a chance to prove to
the President that I am not guilty, then you will see the most tragic, then you
will see the most tragic thing that will ever happen. . . . .” (Idem.)
21.
Again, Ruby hints directly at having been part of an assassination
conspiracy, and again, Warren doesn’t want to hear about it. Some analysts
believe that Ruby’s references to his “people” being tortured and mutilated
refers to the fact that Ruby was a Jew, that some figures on the extreme right
were trying to pin the assassination on the Jews, and that Ruby knew that Nazi
and fascist elements were the authors of the assassination. In the view of
these critics, Ruby feared a second Holocaust. “RUBY:
. . . Now maybe something can be saved. It may not be too late, whatever
happens, if our President, Lyndon Johnson, knew the truth from me. But if I am
eliminated, there won’t be any way of knowing. Right now, when I leave your
presence now, I am the only one that can bring out the truth to our President,
who believes in righteousness and justice. But he has been told, I am certain,
that I was part of a plot to assassinate the President. I know, your hands are
tied; you are helpless. WARREN: Mr. Ruby,
I think I can say this to you, that if he has been told any such thing, there
is no indication of any kind that he believes it. [Italics are Mr.
Emory’s.] RUBY: I am sorry, Chief
Justice Warren, I thought I would be very effective in telling you what I have
said here. But in all fairness to everyone, maybe all I want to do is beg that
if they found out I was telling the truth, maybe they can succeed in what their
motives are, but maybe my people won’t be tortured and mutilated. [That is,
Ruby begs forgiveness from the assassination conspiracy, having failed in his
effort to rat on it through double meanings tossed into Warren’s ear.] WARREN: Well, you may be sure that my President and his
whole Commission will do anything that is necessary to see that your people are
not tortured. RUBY: No. WARREN: You may be sure of that. RUBY: No. The only way you can do it is if he knows the
truth, that I am telling the truth, and why I was down in that basement Sunday
morning, and maybe some sense of decency will come out and they can still
fulfill their plan, as I stated before, without my people going through torture
and mutilation.” (Ibid.; p. 132.)
22.
Ruby continues to plead to be taken to Washington and to have a
lie-detector test administered. Again, he states that he feels his life is in
danger. In the text quoted here, Ruby ends by warning Warren that the far right
hated him, as they did Kennedy [and Ruby, a Jew.] “WARREN:
The President will know everything that you have said, everything that you have
said. RUBY: But I won’t be around, Chief
Justice. I won’t be around to verify those things you are going to tell the
President. TONAHILL: [Who never left the room]
Who do you think is going to eliminate you, Jack? RUBY: I have been used for a purpose, and there will
be a certain tragic occurrence happening if you don’t take my testimony and
somehow vindicate me so my people don’t suffer because of what I have done.
[Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] WARREN: But we
have taken your testimony. We have it here. It will be in permanent form for
the President of the United States and for the Congress of the United States,
and for the courts of the United States, and for the people of the entire
world. It is there. It will be recorded for all to see. That is the purpose of
our coming here today. We feel that you are entitled to have your story told. RUBY: You have lost me though. You have lost me, Chief
Justice Warren. WARREN: Lost you in what
sense? RUBY: I won’t be around for you to
come and question again. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] WARREN: Well, it is very hard for me to believe that. I am
sure that everybody would want to protect you to the very limit. RUBY: All I want is a lie-detector test, and you refuse
to give it to me. Because as it stands now—and the truth serum, and any
other—Pentothal—how do you pronounce it, whatever it is. And they will not
give it to me, because I want to tell the truth. And then I want to leave
this world. . . . . How are we going to communicate and so on? WARREN: We will communicate directly with you. RUBY: You have a lost cause, Earl Warren. You don’t stand a
chance. They feel about you like they do about me, Chief Justice Warren. I
shouldn’t hurt your feelings in telling you that. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.;
pp. 133-134.)
23.
The program
concluded with a look at Jack Ruby’s last communication—a letter he sent from
prison as he was dying of cancer. Some of Ruby’s statements in the above
interview—“a whole new form of government is going to take over our
country”—make more sense when viewed against the background of this letter.
President Kennedy’s assassination boosted fascist elements (including the
Underground Reich) into a position of control over the U.S. “ . . . Don’t believe the Warren [Commission] Report, that
was only put out to make me look innocent. . . .I’m going to die a horrible
death anyway, so what would I have to gain by writing all this. So you must
believe me. . . . that [sic] is only one kind of people that would do such a
thing, that would have to be the Nazi’s [sic], and that is who is in power in this
country right now. . . . Japan is also in on the deal, but the old war lords
are going to come back. South America is also full of these Nazi’s [sic]. . . .
if those people were so determined to frame me then you must be convinced that
they had an ulterior motive for doing same. There is only one kind of people
that would go to such extremes, and that would be the Master Race. . . .” (The
Man Who Knew Too Much; Dick Russell; Carroll & Graf [HC]; Copyright
1992 by Dick Russell; ISBN 0-88184-900-6; p. 684.)