FTR#576—Voteschwitz—So Near yet so Farben—(Two 30-minute segments) (Sources
are noted in parentheses.) (Recorded on 11/12/2006.)
Note: FTR#’s 260-316, 317,
324, FTR#325 and succeeding programs are streaming
on Real Audio at www.wfmu.org/daveemory.
FTR#’s 01-270, 316-324 are available for download
only, also on Real Audio, on their Archive Page.)
Note!! WFMU is now
podcasting the For The Record Shows. For details, access: http://podcast.wfmu.org/
Listeners are emphatically encouraged to use the
internet to disseminate as much of the audio and printed material as possible. Note: all of this material is free.
Note: It is
recommended that listeners print the program descriptions for optimum
readability. It is emphatically
encouraged that listeners use the printed files on the Spitfire web site and
the audio files on the WFMU web sites to create their own research/teaching
databases.
NEW!! A diligent listener is turning the For The Record
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Listeners are emphatically encouraged to utilize these spots.
Listeners are
strongly encouraged to utilize the SPITFIRE search function in order to enhance
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NOTE: TWO
LECTURES PRESENTING MR. EMORY’S VIEWS OF WHAT WE CAN EXPECT IN THE FUTURE ARE
NOW AVAILABLE FOR DOWLOAD FOR FREE IN
BOTH REAL AUDIO AND MP3. These lectures are:
L-1: ‘The Political Implications of the UFO Phenomenon and the ‘ET’ Myth’; and
L-2: ‘The Future--Technology, Theocracy and the Thousand-Year-Reich.’
Descriptions are available in the Lecture Series section.
NEW!! A number of
vitally important books are now available for download for FREE. The books are:
Martin Bormann: Nazi in
Exile by Paul Manning; The Nazis Go Underground
by Curt Reiss; and All Honorable Men (parts 1 and 2) by James
Stewart Martin. Taken together, these books will provide a significant
understanding of the concept and reality of The Underground Reich, and they can
be downloaded with a modem Internet connection. They are available at: Spitfirelist.com/Books. In addition, we have added Cairo to Damascus by John Roy Carlson [1951], Germany Plots with the Kremlin by T.H. Tetens [1953], and Armies of Spies by Joseph Golomb [1939].
Yet another recent addition is Germany’s
Master Plan by Joseph Borkin and Charles Welsh. (Borkin is the author of
the 1979 classic The Crime and Punishment
of I.G. Farben.) Another anti-fascist classic about I.G. Farben supplements
the Borkin and Welsh text—Treason’s Peace
by Howard Watson Ambruster. Two more recently-posted gems are The Thousand-Year Conspiracy by Paul
Winkler and Falange by Alan Chase,
both published in 1943. The Winkler text documents the evolution of militant
Pan-Germanism from the Teutonic Knights to the Nazis and Falange documents the Third Reich’s geopolitical goals in the
Spanish-speaking world. By the time many of you read this description, more of
the long-out-of-print anti-fascist books that are more than 50 years old will
have been added to the Spitfirelist.com/Books URL. The Manning text’s URL also features a discussion of
Paul Manning’s career and professional credentials. Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile is also available in html. Note also that FTR#305
has a synoptic overview of the Bormann organization. An understanding of the
Bormann organization is essential for an in-depth grasp of the arguments
presented on For The Record.
Note also that U.S. Government documents proving Prescott
Bush Sr.’s Money-Laundering on behalf of the Third Reich before and after World
War II are available at a linked website, along with commentary by John
Buchanan, who located the documentation. This material is discussed in FTR#435.
The website containing the documents is www.debatecomics.org/BushFamilyFortune/.
Summary of FTR#576—(Note: The massive
volume of ‘For The Record’ programs about 9/11 and related topics is summarized
and analyzed in the periodically-updated description for FTR#391.
FTR#’s 454,
455, 456 are compilations of
much of the key documentation culled from Mr. Emory’s investigation into 9/11.
Along with FTR#391, they should give
listeners/readers a substantive grasp of this momentous event. It is
recommended that listeners use this description and e-mail it to others.) Supplementing previous programs about the
perils of electronic voting, this broadcast highlights the new proprietors of
the Sequoia electronic voting technology. Previously run by elements connected
to organized crime and the GOP, sequoia was recently purchased by Smartmatic.
Because Smartmatic is linked to the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chavez,
Smartmatic’s purchase of Sequoia has raised alarms in Washington. The truth
concerning Smartmatic is more sinister than its critics in D.C. suspect.
Somewhat obscured by a tangled web of offshore companies, Smartmatic (and
Sequoia’s voting machines) are actually owned by a group of entities affiliated
with the member companies of I.G. Farben. The backbone of Nazi Germany and one
of the most important companies in the history of commerce, I.G. Farben
dominated the international chemical and pharmaceutical business. I.G.’s
successor firms continue to dominate these fields. After tracing the ownership
of Smartmatic to entities associated with the Sandoz pharmaceutical interests;
the program sets forth the profound relationship between I.G. Farben and the
machinery of Nazi government. After highlighting I.G. Farben’s role in the Bormann
flight capital program that relocated the Third Reich’s wealth abroad, the
program underscores the position of the successor firms to I.G. in the
day-to-day functioning of the Underground Reich. It is that Underground Reich
that now holds sway over the Sequoia voting technology used in the U.S.
Program Highlights Include: The role of Smartmatic’s parent firm Citco as the largest hedge fund
administrator in the world; Citco’s role as manager of George Soros’s Quantum
Fund; the U.S. Government’s unsuccessful attempt at prosecuting Sandoz for
conspiring with the Farben cartel in the run-up to World War II; review of the
position of the Bormann network in the contemporary business and political
environments.
1.
Beginning the analysis of the entities
underlying the purchase of Sequoia by Smartmatic, the program highlights the
connections of the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chavez to Smartmatic. (For
more about Sequoia and its involvement in highly questionable activities,
see—among other programs—FTR#470,
487, 493, 494.) “The federal government is investigating the takeover last
year of a leading American manufacturer of electronic voting systems by a small
software company that has been linked to the leftist Venezuelan government of
President Hugo Chavez. The inquiry is focusing on the Venezuelan owners of the
software company, the Smartmatic Corporation, and is trying to determine
whether the government in Caracas has any control or influence over the firm’s
operations, government officials and others familiar with the investigation
said. The inquiry on the eve of the midterm elections is being conducted by the
Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, or Cfius, the same panel
of 12 government agencies that reviewed the abortive attempt by a company in
Dubai to take over operations at six American ports earlier this year. The
committee’s formal inquiry into Smartmatic and its subsidiary, Sequoia Voting
Systems of Oakland, Calif., was first reported Saturday in The Miami Herald. . .
.” (“U.S. Investigates Voting Machines’ Venezuela
Ties” by Tim Golden; The New York Times;
10/29/2006; accessed at: www.nytimes.com.)
2.
The evidence suggests a symbiotic
relationship between Smartmatic and Hugo Chavez’s governmental milieu. “ . . . Smartmatic was a little-known firm with no
experience in voting technology before it was chosen by the Venezuelan
authorities to replace the country’s elections machinery ahead of a contentious
referendum that confirmed Mr. Chavez as president in August 2004. Seven months
before that voting contract was awarded, a Venezuelan government financing
agency invested more than $200,000 into a smaller technology company, owned by
some of the same people as Smartmatic, that joined with Smartmatic as a minor
partner in the bid. In return, the government agency was a given a 28 percent
stake in the smaller company and a seat on its board, which was occupied by a
senior government official who had previously advised Mr. Chavez on elections
technology. But Venezuelan officials later insisted that the money was merely a
small-business loan and that it was repaid before the referendum. With a
windfall of some $ 120 million from its first three contracts with Venezuela,
Smartmatic then bought the much larger and more established Sequoia Voting Systems,
which now has voting equipment installed in 17 states and the District of
Columbia. Since its takeover by Smartmatic in March 2005, Sequoia has worked
aggressively to market its voting machines in Latin America and other
developing countries. ‘The goal is to create the world’s leader in electronic
voting solutions,’ said Mitch Stoller, a company spokesman. But the role of the
young Venezuelan engineers who founded Smartmatic has become less visible in
public documents as the company has been restructured into an elaborate web of
offshore companies and foreign trusts. . . .” (Idem.)
3.
Next, the program notes that the United
States has initiated an investigation into Smartmatic’s possible relationship
to Chavez’s government. “Officials of a major
American voting-machine company that has come under federal scrutiny because of
its primary owner’s past business ties to the leftist government of Venezuela
said yesterday that the company had voluntarily submitted to a federal
investigation into its purchase. The American company, Sequoia Voting Systems,
was bought in March 2005 by the Smartmatic Corporation, a Venezuelan-owned
software company whose only previous experience in the voting-machine business
had been to overhaul Venezuela’s electoral machinery before a referendum that
confirmed Hugo Chavez as president in August 2004. . . .” (“Voting
Machine Company Submits to Inquiry” by Tim Golden; The New York
Times; 10/31/2006; accessed at: www.nytimes.com.)
4.
Note that the founders of Smartmatic were
living in South Florida, home to Sami al-Arian (FTR#538) and other
elements associated with the Underground Reich (FTR#533). “ . . . The government’s interest in Smartmatic stems from
questions about the relationship between its principal owners and the
government of Venezuela. The company’s founder and principal owner, Antonio
Mugica Rivero, said he and an early partner, Alfredo Anzola, were young
software engineers living in South Florida during the recount of the 2004
election and saw business opportunity in electronic voting machines. Despite
their lack of experience in the field, Smartmatic and Bizta, another small company
in which Mr. Mugica, his father and Mr. Anzola were majority shareholders, were
chosen in early 2004 to overhaul the Venezuelan election machinery. Only weeks
before, Bizta had received what company officials said was a government loan of
some $150,000, in return for 28 percent of its shares. A Venezuelan official,
Omar Montilla Castillo, joined its board as the government’s representative. He
has been identified in news reports as an elections-systems adviser to
President Chavez. At the news conference and in an interview yesterday, Mr.
Mugica said he had never met Mr. Montilla. When asked about the minutes of a
Bizta board meeting from Dec. 15, 2003, which indicate that both men were
present, he said he had only ‘a vague recollection’ of the event. . . .” (Idem.)
5.
The Venezuelan element in the corporate control of Smartmatic is only a
relatively superficial component of the enormous financial juggernaut that owns
and guides Smartmatic, the owner of Sequoia. The real master, so to speak, of
Smartmatic (and consequently Sequoia) is Citco. Citco, the world’s largest
hedge fund administrator, was controlled for a long time by the Sandoz Family
Foundation, which retains a significant minority interest. As will be seen
below, the Sandoz Family Foundation is part of the milieu of I.G. Farben
Underground Reich. “ . . . The Amsterdam registry
shows that Smartmatic International Holding B.V.'s managing director is Trust
International Management (T.I.M.) B.V. Both companies operate from the same
address. According to the register the website of T.I.M. B.V is http://citco.com.
Citco Group is quoted in Hedge Funds World as ‘the world's largest hedge
fund administrator’ (sic), that until very recently
was controlled by Switzerland's Sandoz Foundation. However Citco has
informed that ‘an investor group including the Smeets Family Trust, Citco
managers, and friends of the firm has acquired a controlling interest in Citco
from the Sandoz Family Foundation.’” (“Aleksander Boyd [blog];
4/7/2006; accessed at: http://www.forbes.com/finance/lists/10/2002/LIR.jhtml?passListId=10&passYear=2002&passListType=Person&uniqueId=795N&datatype=Person.)
6.
Next, the discussion turns to Pierre Landolt,
president of the Sandoz Foundation and a significant minority shareholder in
the Novartis pharmaceutical company. Recall that the Sandoz Foundation for a
long time controlled Citco, the real parent of Smartmatic/Sequoia. As will be
seen in paragraph 9, Sandoz, Ciba and Ceigy (which merged to form
Novartis) were key elements of the I.G. Farben chemical cartel. Note that the
Sandoz Foundation is not like the Gates Foundation. It is a business entity,
not a philanthropic one. “Pierre holds the rotating
presidency of the family-owned Sandoz Foundation, named after the
pharmaceutical company founded by his grandfather in the 1880s. Sandoz
disappeared in 1996 when it was merged with Ciba-Geigy to form Novartis. Today
Pierre and his three siblings own a 3.8% stake in Novartis, worth $3.4 billion.
That's $1 billion less than it was worth last May, but the family has other
assets to cushion the blow, including a private bank, two resort hotels and
significant stakes in Italian Internet portal Tiscali and telecom startup
Interoute. Under the foundation rules, each sibling is allowed to make one
withdrawal from the capital to finance a personal project. Family head Pierre,
54, used his stake to build a successful banking, commodities and ranching
business in Brazil.” (“World’s Richest Men”; Forbes; 10/2002;
accessed at: http://www.forbes.com/finance/lists/10/2002/LIR.jhtml?passListId=10&passYear=2002&passListType=Person&uniqueId=795N&datatype=Person.)
7.
Note that Citco was said to have been established
“more than 60 years ago.” This was written in 2005. That might well put the
founding of that company during the closing months of World War II. Is the
Smeets Family Trust and/or Citco one of the companies established as part of
the Bormann capital network? The founder of Citco was the Smeets Family
Trust, which continues to be a major shareholder in Citco. It is also
interesting and significant that Citco manages George Soros’s Quantum Fund. “Established more than 60 years ago, Citco is a global
financial services company with offices in more than 27 countries that provides
corporate and fiduciary services, fund administration and custody and banking
services. In July 1995 the Fondation de Famille Sandoz A.G. became the majority
shareholder of the Citco Group, bringing with it similar goals, institutional
independence, and the financial backing and strategic resolve to undertake and
meet the challenges of the financial industry with its continued consolidation
and crossborder alliances. The Smeets Family Trust, which founded the Citco
Group, continues to be a substantial minority shareholder. Citco Fund Services
(CFS), the fund administration company of the Citco Group, is one of the
largest fund administrators in the world. CFS administers worldwide more than
1,500 offshore mutual funds with a market value of more than US$ 200 billion. Among
these funds are the well-known Quantum Funds of George Soros, Jaguar Fund,
Moore Global, Fairfield Sentry, Fletcher Income Arbitrage and many other
well-known funds.” (“Navigating the
Evolving Hedge Funds Landscape” by Mark Knapen; 5/27/2005; Hedge Funds World;
accessed at: http://www.hedgefundsworld.com/Tmpl/Article.aspx?ID=21619.)
8.
More about the relationship between Citco, the Smeets Family Trust and
the Sandoz Foundation: “The Citco Group Limited
(‘Citco’) today announced that an investor group including the Smeets Family
Trust, Citco managers, and friends of the firm has acquired a controlling
interest in Citco from the Sandoz Family Foundation. Terms of the transaction
were not disclosed. The Sandoz Family Foundation, which had made a substantial
equity investment in Citco in 1995, will retain a minority ownership position
and a seat on the Citco Board. Founded over 60 years ago, Citco Group companies
today represent the largest global service provider to hedge funds,
administering over USD 250 billion in assets from 36 offices around the world.
Citco Group companies also serve as custodians for over USD 140 billion in
assets of hedge funds of funds and financial institutions. The Citco Group
companies also provide the highest quality corporate and private client
fiduciary services to multinational companies, financial institutions and their
professional advisors.” Christopher Smeets, CEO, and Citco's current management
team will continue to operate the business. He said, ‘We are very pleased that
the Citco Group of companies will remain an independent organization, well
positioned to provide specialized financial services to our hedge fund and
other clients worldwide. This new investment will ensure the continuity and
future growth of our business serving the needs of sophisticated investors on a
global basis.’ Pierre Landolt, Chairman of the Sandoz Family Foundation, said,
‘Citco is a superb franchise that will continue to benefit from its unique
market position as an independent firm. We look forward to participating in the
continued success of the business.’” (Business Wire; 7/27/2005;
accessed at: http://www.globeinvestor.com/servlet/ArticleNews/story/BWIRE/20050727/20050727005457.)
9.
Providing historical perspective to the analysis of Smartmatic’s
controllers, the program delves into World War II history to note the
participation of the Sandoz firm (as well as its Novartis partners Ciba and
Geigy) in I.G. Farben cartel agreements that were the focal point of antitrust
indictments. (These cartel agreements are discussed at length and in detail in FTR#511. Serious students
of this subject should read Treason’s Peace, All Honorable Men, Germany’s
Master Plan and The Devil’s Chemists. These books are available
(along with descriptions of the books written by Mr. Emory) at: http://spitfirelist.com/Books/books.html.) “ . . . So these three cases, in some respects the most
important involving Farben and its huge American false fronts, remained untried
while the war went on—so as not to interfere with its conduct and, a year after
the war was over, were still untried—because one branch of the Government did
not want another branch to enforce the law. If Farben’s [Hermann] Schmitz,
looking ahead before the war had planned it this way, could he have done it
better? Another indictment accusing General Aniline [the American subsidiary of
I.G. Farben] and General Dyestuff of conspiracy in the dye industry was filed
in the New Jersey District Court on May 14, 1942; but in this instance Farben
(local address still unknown) was named only as a co-conspirator. Those
indicted included duPont; Allied chemical and Dye; and American Cyanamid; also
Farben affiliates the American Ciba, Sandoz and Geigy. Some twenty officers of
the corporate defendants, including Ernest K. Halbach and two of his Farben
pals were also indicted in this case.
The alleged conspiracy included world-wide restrictions in the manufacture,
distribution, import and export of dyestuffs, stemming out of the international
cartel set-up in 1928 in which co-conspirator Farben was the dominant
influence. A long list of other co-conspirators included the Swiss Ciba,
Sandoz, and Geigy companies . . . .” (Treason’s Peace: German
Dyes and American Dupes; Howard Watson Ambruster; Copyright 1947 by Howard
Watson Ambruster; Beechhurst Press [HC]; pp. 337-338.)
10.
Much of the second
half of the broadcast deals with the role of I. G. Farben in the Bormann flight
capital program, beginning with an August 10, 1944 meeting in Strasbourg.
Martin Bormann called the meeting in order to arrange for the Third Reich to
secrete its wealth abroad. That wealth became the foundation for the postwar
Underground Reich. The program describes the Strasbourg meeting in detail. (To gain a more complete understanding of the
Bormann capital network, see FTR#305.
Serious listeners are encouraged to read the entire book Martin Bormann:
Nazi in Exile, available for download at: http://spitfirelist.com/Books/books.html.) “The Staff car had left
Colmar at first light for Strasbourg, carrying SS Obergruppenfueherer Scheid,
who held the rank of lieutenant general in the Waffen SS, as well as the title
of Dr. Scheid, director of the industrial firm of Hermadorff & Schenburg
Company. While the beauty of the rolling countryside was not lost on Dr.
Scheid, his thoughts were on the meeting of important German businessmen to
take place on his arrival at the Hotel Maison Rouge in Strasbourg. Reichsleiter
Martin Bormann himself had ordered the conference, and although he would not
physically be present he had confided to Dr. Scheid, who was to preside, ‘The
steps to be taken as a result of this meeting will determine the postwar future
of Germany.’ [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] The Reishsleiter had added, ‘German
industry must realize that the war cannot now be won, and must take steps to
prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which will in time insure the
economic resurgence of Germany.’ It was August 10, 1944. . . .” (Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul
Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; pp. 23-24.)
11.
In order to effect
the economic resurrection of Germany (and the underground sustaining of the
Third Reich), Dr. Scheid stressed that German corporate interests must make
good use of their connections with foreign corporations that had assisted
Germany in the past. Of particular interest were American corporations, and Dr.
Scheid concluded the morning meeting by giving New York addresses to the
assembled businessmen. One of the firms that Scheid cited as an example of a
company that had been particularly useful to Germany was the Hamburg-Amerika
Line. As discussed in FTR#’s 273,
361, 475, the Hamburg-Amerika
Line was part of the Bush family’s business operations on behalf of the Third
Reich. “ . . . Dr. Scheid also affirmed, ‘The
ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums
from foreign countries after the war.’ As an example of the kind of support
that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact
that ‘patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc. New
York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States
Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National
Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.’
He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika
line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German
interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men.” (Ibid.;
p. 25.)
12.
The group also
discussed provisions to continue to fund the Nazi party in an underground
fashion after the war. “A smaller conference in
the afternoon was presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry.
It was attended only by representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Rochling. Dr.
Bosse restated Bormann’s belief that the war was all but lost, but that it
would be continued by Germany until certain goals to insure the economic
resurgence of Germany after the war had been achieved. He added that German
industrialists must be prepared to finance the continuation of the Nazi Party,
which would be forced to go underground, just as had the Maquis in France.” (Ibid.;
p.26.)
13.
The I.G. Farben
company, a core element of the Third Reich, was central to Bormann’s plans to
secret Germany’s wealth abroad. Note, also, I.G. Farben’s dominance of the
European chemical industry, and the opinion of Dr. von Schnitzler that
technical dependence on I.G. facilities would continue after the war. (To learn
more about I.G. Farben, see—among other programs--FTR#’s 305, 411, 506, 552. Serious students
should also read Treason’s Peace and The Devil’s Chemists,
available for download at: http://spitfirelist.com/Books/books.html.) “ . . . I.G. Farben was a
formidable ally for Reichsleiter Bormann in his plans for the postwar economic
rebirth of Germany. In a telephone conversation with Dr. von Schnitzler,
Bormann asked what would the loss of factories in France and the other occupied
countries mean to German industry in general and to I.G. in particular. Dr. von
Schnitzler said he believed the technical dependence of these countries on I.G.
would be so great that despite German defeat I.G., in one way or another, could
regain its position of control of the European chemical business. ‘They will
need the constant technical help of I.G.’s scientific laboratories as they do
not own appropriate installations within themselves.’” (Ibid.; p. 28.)
14.
Bormann and Schmitz
then discussed I.G.’s prospects for the postwar period. The cozy relationship
with powerful elements within the power elites of the Western allies was
foreseen by Schmitz as boding well for the company’s future. Schmitz’s
predictions were relatively accurate. Neither Schmitz nor any of the I.G.
Farben executives were severely punished and the firm’s three successor firms
carried on effectively in the postwar period. “The
Reichsleiter asked Schmitz his views of the future. Schmitz replied, ‘The
occupation armies will be understanding in the West, but certainly not in the
East. I have instructed all Farben administrators and technicians to come to
the West, where they can be of use in resuming our operations once the
disturbances of 1945 come to a halt.’ Schmitz added that, while general bomb
damage to the I.G. plants was about 25 percent of capacity, some were
untouched. He mentioned speaking with Field Marshal Model, who was commanding
the defenses of the Ruhr. ‘Model had planned to turn our Bayer-Leberkusen
pharmaceutical factory into an artillery base, but he agreed to make it an
open, undefended factory. Hopefully, we will get it back untouched.’ ‘What
about your board of directors and the essential executives? If they are held by
the occupation authorities, can I.G. continue?’ Bormann asked. ‘We can
continue. We have an operational plan for such a contingency, which everyone
understands. However, I don’t believe our board members will be detained too
long. Nor will I. But we must go through a procedure of investigation before
release, so I have been told by our N.W. 7 people who have excellent contacts
in Washington.’” (Ibid.; p. 158.)
15.
The broadcast details the profound
relationship between I.G. Farben and the government of the Third Reich. Of
particular utility to the Bormann flight capital program was I.G. Farben’s
elaborate infrastructure in foreign countries. Note that, as is seen here, I.G.
Farben was inextricably linked with both the government of the Third Reich and with the Nazi party itself. “ . . . This, too, reported to Martin Bormann.I.G. Farben’s
N.W.7 office in Berlin compiled military and economic data on all countries for
the Wehrmacht. This department was staffed with men of recognized ability in
all branches of business and science.
It was under the direction of Dr. Max Ilgner, nephew of Hermann Schmitz, I.G.’s
president, who was known throughout the industrial world as ‘the master of
financial camouflage.’ [Italics are
Mr. Emory’s.] Farben had offices and representatives in 93 countries, and no
social gathering of businessmen was too small to be covered by an N.W.7
representative, whose reports on market conditions, factory installations,
raw-material supplies, and research were transmitted immediately to Berlin and
Dr. Ilgner. In the United States, N.W.7 operated through the firm of Chemnyco,
Inc., an American-formed subsidiary. Chemnyco sent tremendous amounts of
information ranging from photographs and blue prints to detailed descriptions
of entire industrial complexes and secret processes. . . .” (Ibid.;
p. 54.)
16.
Of particular importance for this discussion
is the fact that I.G. used German military conquest to gain effective
functional control of the chemical industry of the continent. In paragraph 13,
we noted Georg von Scnitzler’s prediction that I.G.’s technical dominance would
result in the postwar perpetuation of this control. As we will see, this
control was maintained. It is against the background
of I.G. Farben’s continued dominance of the European chemical industry as well
as the postwar perpetuation of the Nazi party apparatus that the Sandoz
Foundation/Citco/Smartmatic relationship must be viewed! “ . . . This huge organization functioned as a manufacturing and
research arm of the German government, with the responsibility of discovering
all possible means of increasing the military power of Germany. More than RM
4.25 billion was invested in new plants, mines, and power installations, with
other millions going into new research facilities. . . . So close had Farben
become to the government that I.G. always knew in advance all invasions planned
by Hitler. It was to supply the materials necessary to each conquest, and when
a land had been overrun and subjugated, the Farben experts would handle the
consolidation and organization of the industrial facilities as additional
supply sources for the German armed forces. As
German troops swept across Europe and Hitler proclaimed his vision of a thousand-year
Third Reich, I.G. Farben also dreamed of world empire. This was outlined with
clarity in a document called Neuordnung, or ‘New Order,’ that was accompanied
by a letter of transmittal to the Ministry of Economics. It declared that a new
order for the chemical industry of the world should supplement Hitler’s New
Order. Therefore, the document stated, Farben was fitting future industrial
plans into such a framework. . . .I.G. Farben was the major chemical firm on
the Continent, and as each country fell to Germany its acquisitions of chemical
and dyestuff companies were enormous. I.G. also increased its investments in
these by RM 7 billion. [Italics
are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.; pp. 55-56.)
17.
“The close relationship of Farben
to the Third Reich leadership was underscored in other ways. I.G.’s leading
officials assisted in formulation and execution of economic policies of
government; its president was a member of the Reichstag; its leading scientist
was a chief assistant to Hermann Goering under the Four-Year Plan; its
statisticians and economists prepared intelligence for the Nazi High Command;
scores of its technicians were at any given time on loan to the air and war
ministries. . . . The contact men of N.W.7 throughout the world were called the
I.G. Verbindungsmanner, the liaison officers between Farben back in Germany and
the branches elsewhere. These I.G. Verbindungsmanner, as well as all other key
Farben representatives working beyond the borders of the Third Reich, were
members of the National Socialist German Workers Party. . . . So now Martin
Bormann had at his command not only the Auslands-Organisation but also the I.G.
Verbindungsmanner of Farben, which could be counted on to heed his orders when
it was time to disperse the commercial assets of the Third Reich. . . .” (Ibid.;
pp. 56-58.)
18.
The vast
international operations of the I.G. Farben firm and its various subsidiary
operations was a principal element of the Bormann organization. I.G. Farben
chief Hermann Schmitz discussed I.G.’s involvement with the Bormann program. “In testimony later given to Nuremberg investigators,
Schmitz praised Bormann for the way he had directed the distribution of German
assets around the world. His own Farben organization had, of course,
contributed to the success of the operation. Every regional representative
working for Hermann Schmitz was an exceptional businessman, or he would not
have been with I.G. All had contributed sound advice in their areas of
competence, the regions of the world where they represented Farben while
keeping an eye on the subsidiaries of the parent concern and the 700 hidden
corporations they controlled. They had provided assistance and continuing
guidance in establishing the 750 new companies created on order of Bormann, who
wanted more than hidden assets; Bormann wanted the money and patents and
technicians put to work to create even greater assets that would bolster
Germany in the postwar years. In their meeting in the chancellery, both men
checked over the figures of sums disbursed, and they were accurate to the
pfennig.” (Ibid.; pp. 157-158.)
19.
As forecast by Dr.
Scheid in the August 10, 1944 meeting, the corporate allies of the major German
corporations, including and especially those of I.G. Farben, proved to be of
great value to the success of the Bormann flight capital program. “Powerful friends of the Bormann organization in all
Western countries, including those sprinkled in control points throughout the
administration in Washington and in the financial and brokerage businesses of
Wall Street, the City of London, and the Paris establishment, did not wish a
coordinated drive to get at these external German assets. They had
understandable reasons, if you overlook morality: the financial benefits for
cooperation (collaboration had become an old-hat term with the war winding
down) were very enticing, depending on one’s importance and ability to be of
service to the organization and the 750 corporations they were secretly
manipulating, to say nothing of the known multinationals such as I.G. Farben, Thyssen
A.G., and Siemens; and, as a second reason, the philosophy of free enterprise
and preservation of private property.” (Ibid.; p. 156.)
20.
Note the postwar
resuscitation of I.G. Farben, in the form of the “Big Three” successor firms
that grew out Farben. Although officially broken up at the end of World War II,
I.G. Farben continued functioning in new form. Recent mergers (such as the 1996
merger of I.G. cartel affiliates Ciba-Geigy and Sandoz to form Novartis)
indicate a new coming together of the old components of I.G. Again, pay close
attention to the relationship between these companies and the Bormann capital
network. “By 1956, the three major multinationals
(Hoechst, BASF, and Bayer) reshaped from the 159 companies within Germany that
had comprised I.G. Farben were generating record profits for the original 450
major Farben stockholders, who had organized themselves into the I.G. Farben
Stockholders Protective committee in Bonn. The Big Three went on expanding,
tripling capitalization in 1956 from investment funds that poured in from the
interlocking companies established in safe haven countries by Martin Bormann
and Hermann Schmitz. There was a return, more vigorous than ever, of the huge,
monolithic industrial multinationals that dominated the German economy before
and during World War II.” (Ibid.;
p. 282.)
21.
The enormous
corporate wealth and power of the three successor firms is at the disposal of
the Bormann capital network and Underground Reich. “Each
of these three spinoffs from I.G. Farben today does more business individually
than did Farben at its zenith, when its corporate structure covered 93
countries. BASF and Bayer individually boast worldwide sales of nearly $10
billion annually, while Hoechst, now the world’s largest chemical company, generated
$16.01 billion in worldwide sales in 1980. Each does more business than E.I. du
Pont de Nemours, with sales of $9.4 billion. The United States is, of course,
the major market, one into which these German corporations continue to pour
investment money for both new capital construction and corporate takeovers. Together,
these three multinationals assure permanent prosperity for the original 450
Farben stockholders, their banks, and the shadowy shareholders of the Bormann
organization in South America who guard and vote the Hermann Schmitz trust fund
through intermediaries at the annual meetings of BASF, Bayer and Hoechst.
[Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.; pp. 282-283.)
22.
A significant part
of the I.G. Farben legacy, the Hermann Schmitz Trust is also at the disposal of
the Bormann capital network and the Underground Reich. “If there is any doubt in Europe who in the long run won the
peace, there is none whatsoever among the former German leaders dwelling in
South America. It is a good bet that if Hermann Schmitz were alive today, he
would bear witness as to who really won. Schmitz died contented, having
witnessed the resurgence of I.G. Farben, albeit in altered corporate forms, a
money machine that continues to generate profits for all the old I.G. shareholders
and enormous international power for the German cadre directing the workings of
the successor firms. . . . He was the master manipulator, the corporate and
financial wizard, the magician, who could make money appear and disappear, and
reappear again. His whole existence was legerdemain, played out on the
gameboard of I.G. Farben and his beloved Germany. . . Their [Schmitz and
Bormann] association was close and trusting over the years, and it is the
considered opinion of those in their circle that the wealth possessed by
Hermann Schmitz was shifted to Switzerland and South America, and placed in
trust with Bormann, the legal heir to Hitler. [Hermann] Schmitz’s
wealth—largely I.G. Farben bearer bonds converted to the Big Three successor
firms, shares in Standard Oil of New Jersey (equal to those held by the
Rockefellers), as well as shares in the 750 corporations he helped Bormann
establish during the last year of World War II—has increased in all segments of
the modern industrial world. The Bormann organization in South America utilizes
the voting power of the Schmitz trust along with their own assets to guide the
multinationals they control, as they keep steady the economic course of the
Fatherland.” (Ibid.; pp. 279-280.)
23.
In closing, the
program notes the economic and political significance of the Bormann network: “Atop an organizational pyramid that dominates the industry
of West Germany through banks, voting rights enjoyed by majority shareholders
in significant cartels, and the professional input of a relatively young
leadership group of lawyers, investment specialists, bankers, and
industrialists, he is satisfied that he achieved his aim of helping the
Fatherland back on its feet. To ensure continuity of purpose and direction, a
close watch is maintained on the profit statements and management reports of
corporations under its control elsewhere. This leadership group of twenty,
which is in fact a board of directors, is chaired by Bormann, but power has
shifted to the younger men who will carry on the initiative that grew from that
historic meeting in Strasbourg on August 10, 1944. Old Heinrich Mueller, chief
of security for the NSDAP in South America, is the most feared of all, having
the power of life and death over those deemed not to be acting in the best
interests of the organization. Some still envision a Fourth Reich. . .What will
not pass is the economic influences of the Bormann organization, whose
commercial directives are obeyed almost without question by the highest
echelons of West German finance and industry. ‘All orders come from the
shareholders in South America,’ I have been told by a spokesman for Martin
Bormann.” (Ibid.; pp. 284-5.)