FTR#475—Pryor Offenses—(Two 30-minute segments) (Sources are noted in
parentheses.) (Recorded on 9/12/2004.)
Note: FTR#’s 260-316, 317, 324,
FTR#325 and succeeding programs are streaming
on Real Audio at www.wfmu.org/daveemory.
FTR#’s 01-270, 316-324 are available
for download only, also on Real
Audio, on their Archive Page.)
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Summary of FTR#475—(Note: The massive
volume of “For The Record” programs about 9/11 and related topics is summarized
and analyzed in the periodically-updated description for FTR#391. FTR#’s 454, 455, 456 are
compilations of much of the key documentation culled from Mr. Emory’s
investigation into 9/11. Along with FTR#391, they
should give listeners/readers a substantive grasp of this momentous event. It
is recommended that listeners use this description and e-mail it to others.
Also: The book “Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile”
is available at About Paul Manning. In addition,
the professional history of the late Paul Manning, the book’s author, is
presented in the description About Paul Manning.
This enables listeners to acquaint others with Mr. Manning’s journalistic
credentials. Key material from the book is synopsized in an extended
description for FTR#305. Understanding the
Bormann organization is essential to comprehending the concept of “the
Underground Reich.” Note also that U.S. Government
documents proving Prescott Bush Sr.’s Money-Laundering on behalf of the Third
Reich before and after World War II are available at a linked website, along
with commentary by John Buchanan, who located the documentation. This material
is discussed in FTR#435. The website containing
the documents is www.debatecomics.org/BushFamilyFortune/
.) Political inertia—political momentum—is a
major determinant in human affairs. In examining the political landscape of which the
Bushes are a part, it is interesting to contemplate the extent to which the
current generation of Bushes have inherited their stances from their
ancestors—who were deeply involved with the forces of international fascism. (For more about this, see—among other
programs—FTR#’s 273,
332, 370, 435.)
This broadcast examines actions of people involved with attempting to dispose
of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the interests of furthering the cause of
fascism. In particular, the program focuses on Samuel Pryor Sr. and Samuel
Pryor Jr.—both of whom were key players in the Bush-Harriman business milieu.
(The broadcast derives its title from these two men.) Samuel Pryor Sr. was the
head of the Remington firm when it shipped weapons to German rightists
(including the Nazis) in the early 1930’s. Pryor Sr. was also a key director of
both Union Banking Corporation and the parent company of the Hamburg-Amerika
Line—both Bush/Harriman businesses conducted in cooperation with the Nazis.
(Again, for more about this, see—among other programs—FTR#’s 273, 370, 435.) Remington was also the company selected by
the 1934 coup plotters to provide arms to the unsuccessful attempt to overthrow
FDR. (For more about the 1934 coup attempt, see FTR#448.) Was Pryor,
Sr.—or his pals the Bush family—involved with the 1934 coup plotters?! Samuel Pryor, Jr. was the point man for the
GOP’s plotting with Nazi agent William Rhodes Davis in an attempt to defeat
Roosevelt in 1940. The program concludes by examining Attorney General Tom
Clark’s suppression of a Justice Department report on the pro-Nazi activities
of powerful American political and industrial figures. Tom Clark is the father
of Ramsey Clark—the Attorney General who covered up the assassinations of both
Kennedy brothers and Martin Luther King, Jr. To what extent were the activities of the Bush and
Clark families determined by the political inertia generated in the years
before, during and immediately after, World War II?
Program Highlights Include: Discussion of the possible use of the Hamburg-Amerika Line to ship
Remington arms to the Nazis in the 1930’s; the possibility that Samuel Pryor,
Sr.’s death in 1934 may have been connected to the 1934 coup attempt; review
(from FTR#448) of the 1934 coup attempt; the Third Reich’s
channeling of millions of dollars to aid the GOP’s 1940 election campaign;
Pryor Jr.’s collaboration with William Rhodes Davis and the Third Reich in
obtaining an endorsement for GOP presidential candidate Wendell Wilkie by labor
leader John L. Lewis; Tom Clark’s firing of Justice Department whistle blower
O. John Rogge, who was attempting to expose the pro-Nazi activities of powerful
Americans—including those involved with plotting with the Nazis to defeat
Roosevelt in 1940; review of the Bush family’s postwar activities on behalf of
the Bormann organization.
1.
Beginning with discussion of the family for
which the program is named, the broadcast sets forth the Nye-Vandenberg
committee’s investigation of Samuel Pryor (Sr.), the Remington (munitions)
firm, and the shipping of Remington arms to right-wing political factions in
Germany (including the Nazis). Author Kevin Phillips speculates about the
possibility that the Hamburg-Amerika line (in which the Bush family was
invested) may have been involved in getting the Remington weapons to Germany. “But Bush [Prescott, Sr.] and Walker did know some of the
reviled merchants—the World War I-era munitions makers, ‘armor trust’ members
and arms manufacturers being investigated during the early New Deal years. Both
men knew Samuel Frazier Pryor, the former president of Remington Arms, whose
firm was queried by the Nye committee about the clandestine flow of
American-made weaponry to Germany through Holland in the early 1930’s. Walker
was not investigated by the committee, but the American Ship and Commerce
Corporation’s partial ownership and influence over the German Hamburg-Amerika
line may have helped Remington firearms reach right-wing political factions in
the early 1930’s. The guns were probably illicitly transferred—without
inconvenient police inspection—to German-bound river barges in Holland’s
Schelde estuaries. . . .” (American Dynasty: Aristocracy,
Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush; Kevin Phillips;
Penguin Group [HC]; Copyright 2004 by Kevin Phillips; ISBN 0-670-03264-6; p.
179.)
2.
Exploring Samuel Pryor’s business
connections, the discussion highlights the fact that he was a key director of
two of the Bush family’s Nazi-linked businesses—the Union Banking Corporation
and the Hamburg-Amerika line. Again, this connection spurs Kevin Phillips to
ruminate about the possibility of the Pryor/Hamburg-Amerika connection
underlying the shipment of Remington arms to the German right, including the
Nazis. “ . . . Remington’s Samuel Pryor
was part of this cabal, and took a role in the first big Harriman-Walker international
gambit: the arrangement of a major participation in Germany’s once great
Hamburg-Amerika steamship line. Harriman and Walker held their Hamburg-Amerika
shares through another mutual framework, the American Ship and Commerce
Corporation. Pryor was named one of AS & C’s directors.” (Ibid.; p. 180.)
3.
Another of the key figures in this
story—Samuel Pryor, Jr.—became a key director of Harriman Securities
Corporation, placing him in the same milieu as his father. We will examine
Samuel Pryor Jr.’s role in Nazi-linked intrigue directed against the
administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt later in the program. “In 1924, when Harriman and Walker set up the Union Banking
Corporation in New York on behalf of the politically active German steel baron
Fritz Thyssen, control of UBC was held by a Dutch entity, the
Rotterdam-based Bank voor Handel en
Scheepvart. This Dutch bank, in turn, was owned by Berlin’s August Thyssen
Bank. The Rotterdam bank, it has been proven, handled some of Thyssen’s 1920’s
contributions to the fledgling Nazi Party—for some reason, Samuel Pryor of
Remington was named an original director of UBC. He seems to have been a tight
third side of the Harriman-German triangle. Indeed, after he died in 1934, his
son became a director of Harriman Securities Corporation, joining the two
Harriman brothers, Averell and Roland. This does make one wonder about
Remington-made arms going to Thyssen—or Thyssen’s friends.” (Idem.)
4.
Next, the program reviews information about the 1934 coup attempt in
the United States. (For more about this, see RFA#10—available from
Spitfire—as well as FTR#448.)
The discussion sets forth the role of the Remington firm as the prospective
supplier of arms to the coup plotters. Mr. Emory ruminates about the possible
role of Pryor [Sr.] in the coup plot. The elder Pryor died in 1934–is it
possible that his death had anything to do with the discovery of the coup plot?
Note that Remington (and Pryor) had provided arms to right-wing factions in
Germany (including the Nazis). That they would undertake something similar in
the U.S. should not come as a surprise. (The material in this excerpt is
taken from the soft-cover edition of Trading with the Enemy by Charles
Higham.)
5.
Next, the program sets forth another fascist
intrigue against FDR—this one involving participation by agents of Nazi
Germany. In 1940, agents of the Third Reich channeled millions of dollars to
the GOP to help elect Wendell Wilkie and defeat Roosevelt. The principal Nazi
agent involved in this plot was a powerful Texas oilman named William Rhodes
Davis—who was a registered Abwehr operative. [The Abwehr was German military
intelligence in WWII.] In order to defeat FDR, Rhodes, the Nazis and the
Republicans undertook to persuade John L. Lewis (a popular labor leader and
fierce critic of Roosevelt) to formally endorse Wilkie. This, it was hoped,
would persuade labor to vote for Wilkie. The principal
GOP committeeman involved with arranging this gambit was Samuel Pryor, Jr.! Correction: Note that Pryor is incorrectly identified as the
Chairman of the Republican National Committee. He was not Chairman—he was
the pivot man for the RNC in the realization of the Lewis endorsement of
Wilkie. “The Germans decided to
surreptitiously help Wilkie through secret contributions to the various
pro-Wilkie political clubs. To avoid the political ruin of their American
friends should the Americans seize the German embassy, Thomsen had all receipts
and statements that described who received payments from the Germans destroyed.
How much the Germans spent on the 1940 presidential campaign and who received
the money will never be known for sure.” (Mystery Man: William Rhodes Davis, American Nazi Agent of Influence;
Dale Harrington; Brassey’s [SC]; Copyright 1999 Brassey’s; ISBN 1-57488-338-0;
p. 150.)
6.
The sums the Third Reich delivered to the
GOP’s 1940 campaign were enormous. “Whether Davis
and Hertslet spent all $5 million of their funds on Wilkie’s campaign is
unclear. Supposedly, $3 million of the money that Podesta delivered to the
Germans was found in the German embassy when the FBI seized it in December
1941. Whether the other $2 million was spent on the Republicans is not known.
Some of this money may have been spent on Democratic Party candidates that the
Germans favored. The Germans also had other sources of money. Where this other
money went and how much there was is also unknown. The entire flow of German
money to the presidential election campaigns is murky. What is known is that
total Republican presidential expenditures in 1940 were almost $15 million. Regardless
of whether the Germans spent only $2 million or the entire $5 million or
possibly even more, a large percentage of the Republican Party’s funds in 1940
came from Adolf Hitler. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.; pp. 150-151.)
7.
“Not
surprisingly, following the Germans’ lead, Davis aided Wilkie’s campaign by
contributing large amounts of money. He directly gave at least $48,000. To
sidestep the federal limit of $5,000 in campaign donations, Davis used several
methods. He gave each of his family members $3,000 or $4,000 to donate to the
Wilkie campaign. He made contributions to individual Republican Party state
committees. He also persuaded several of his longtime business associates,
including Ben Smith, to become financial supporters of Wilkie.” (Ibid.; p. 151.)
8.
“Davis decided
that it would be best for Lewis to support the Republican candidate. In return
for Lewis’s endorsement, Davis wanted Lewis appointed U.S. labor secretary if
Wilkie were elected. In early July, Lewis predicted that Wilkie would defeat
Roosevelt in the fall. Despite efforts to reconcile Lewis with the Roosevelt
administration, Lewis remained staunchly opposed to the president’s reelection.
Knowing of Lewis’s implacable hostility to Roosevelt’s candidacy, Davis opened
negotiations with the Wilkie camp.” (Idem.)
9.
“In early
September, Davis telephoned Sam Pryor, a Republican national
committeeman from Connecticut and an early Wilkie booster. Pryor had
been previously introduced to Davis through Arthur Hobson, a Davis and Company
employee who knew Pryor from Hobson’s connections with Bank of Boston.
Davis asked Pryor to secretly meet with him at Davis’s first wife’s home
in Bronxville, New York, to discuss the possibility of a Lewis endorsement of
Wilkie. Readily agreeing, Pryor met with Davis a few days later. At this
meeting, Davis told Pryor that he was out to defeat Roosevelt and was ready to
contribute up to $1 million to that cause. Davis informed Pryor that he
would pay for a nationwide radio broadcast in which Lewis would declare for
Wilkie. Although no definite assurances had yet come from Lewis, Davis was
confident that Lewis would do his bidding. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Idem.)
10.
“Pryor
telephoned Wilkie from Davis’s home and told him of the oilman’s willingness to
pay for the Lewis broadcast. Wilkie wanted to immediately meet this mysterious
man who would make an offer of such dimensions. Pryor used his private
plane to fly Davis to meet with Wilkie, who was then at his home in Rushville,
Indiana. After Davis repeated his offer to Wilkie in person, the Republican
nominee pointed to the contribution limits of the federal election law and
suggested that the money be given to various Wilkie clubs to maintain the
legalities. Davis concluded the meeting by reiterating to Wilkie his offer to
carry the cost of a nationwide radio speech by his friend John L. Lewis, who
would publicly endorse Wilkie. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.; p. 152.)
11.
“Wilkie later
said that he had never heard of Davis before being informed that Davis would
sponsor the Lewis broadcast, and that he would have rejected the offer if he
had known who Davis was. Wilkie’s profession of ignorance seems implausible,
because by this time Davis’s Nazi connections had been widely publicized in the
newspapers. Soon after the Lewis broadcast, Wilkie wrote Davis a letter asking
Davis not to publicly endorse him because of the allegations that Davis had
German connections.” (Idem.)
12.
“Wilkie’s
willingness to take Davis’s money puts a tarnish on Wilkie’s incorruptible
image both because of Davis’s known Nazi connections and Wilkie’s early public
insistence that the federal campaign finance laws be adhered to in the spirit
as well as the letter of the law. When Wilkie was later asked if he was aware
of Davis’s contributions to the Republican Party, Wilkie lied and said he never
knew about these funds. These questionable actions show that Wilkie, like many
politicians, was more interested in winning than in the morality of what he had
to do to win.” (Idem.)
13.
“At the
conclusion of the Davis-Wilkie meeting, an arrangement was made for Wilkie to
meet Lewis in New York on the night of September 28. To prepare for this
meeting, Davis and Wehrle met with Pryor and several other Wilkie supporters,
including Gene Tunney, the famous boxer, to discuss his support for Wilkie at
New York’s Waldorf Astoria Hotel. Pryor wanted assurance that Lewis
would endorse Wilkie. Davis said, ‘I’ll call Lewis and I think he is ready to
make a pro-Wilkie statement.’ Davis telephoned Lewis and Lewis agreed to
endorse Wilkie. Davis returned to the meeting and told Pryor of Lewis’s
answer, and the Wilkie supporters left the meeting excited about the boost that
Lewis endorsement would give Wilkie’s campaign. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Idem.)
14.
“Soon after,
Lewis called Wilkie from Davis’s home in Scarsdale to confirm their upcoming
meeting. Wilkie met with Lewis at the Manhattan apartment of Sam Pryor.
Joe Martin, the national chairman of the Republican Party, was also present.
Late into the night, Lewis and Wilkie engaged in a brisk conversation about
their politics. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Ibid.; pp. 152-153.)
15.
“Wilkie’s highly
personalized campaign needed a shot in the arm. He was trailing in the polls
and a personal endorsement by Lewis just might provide the margin of victory
that Wilkie needed. Wilkie wooed Lewis by declaring that when he was elected,
he would honor the gains labor had won through the New Deal. He did not promise
Lewis a post in his cabinet, but Wilkie did say that his secretary of labor
would come from the ranks of labor. In return, Lewis offered his support if
Wilkie agreed to repeat these promises publicly in Wilkie’s upcoming labor
speech, which was scheduled for Pittsburgh on October 3. Wilkie agreed and
their meeting concluded.” (Ibid.; p. 153.)
16.
“Wilkie kept his
part of the bargain. In a Pittsburgh speech before an audience of 30,000, he
promised to uphold the gains made by labor and to appoint someone from the
ranks of labor as his secretary of labor. Now it was Lewis’s turn to keep his
part of the bargain. . . .” (Idem.)
17.
“ . . . Lewis
sent a telegram to Wilkie asking him to send his press aide, Paul C. Smith, to
Washington to discuss with Lewis the terms on which the labor leader would
deliver a speech in support of Wilkie. After working out the details with
Smith, Lewis agreed to make his endorsement on October 25 in a nationwide radio
broadcast.” (Ibid.;
p. 154.)
18.
“Lewis was
keeping his actions secret. Until two weeks before the radio broadcast, Lewis
was still assuring some of those closest to him that he would not endorse the
Republican candidate. He told one of his aides after his private interview with
Wilkie that he considered the Republican a man of narrow intellectual outlook,
with ‘the mind of a fixer.’ During the week before his speech, Lewis retreated
into almost total isolation and wrote a Wilkie endorsement speech without
consulting even his close associates. A few days before the speech, Lewis met
with several high CIO officials and announced that he was coming out for Wilkie
and was prepared to take full responsibility for his decision and to stand or
fall by it.” (Ibid.;
pp. 154-155.)
19.
“On October 21
Davis called the three radio networks to schedule the broadcast and identified
himself as a personal representative of Lewis. He arranged for the payment of
$55,000 for a thirty-minute radio broadcast in which John L. Lewis would
deliver a speech on the national election to more than 362 stations on all
three major radio networks. Davis also paid for the printing of millions of
copies of Lewis’s speech to be distributed across the country after the
broadcast.” (Ibid.;
p. 155.)
20.
“Davis financed
the Lewis broadcast by passing the money to the Democrats for Wilkie political
committee, which included in its leadership such prominent anti-New Deal
Democrats as former presidential candidates Al Smith and John W. Davis. This
political committee then paid the radio networks for the broadcast. This
indirect arrangement was used to get around the federal campaign finance laws and
to hide the source of the contribution. There was a furious exchange of checks
to ensure that no one individual would be listed as contributing more than the
$5,000 limit of the federal campaign law, and Republican lawyers scanned all
the transactions and scrutinized the checks to make sure there were no
violations.” (Idem.)
21.
“The White
House was aware of who paid for Lewis’s broadcast almost immediately, but chose
not to publicize the information until after the election. . . .” (Idem.)
22.
“ . . . With an estimated
25-30 million listeners, Lewis delivered in his deep baritone voice a bitter
attack on Roosevelt and asked trade unionists to oppose his reelection. He
accused the president of not ending unemployment and of neglecting labor, but
his most emphatic accusation was that he was leading the nation into war. What
was the president’s objective, asked Lewis? ‘It is war. His every act leads to
this inescapable conclusion. The President has said that he hates war and will
work for peace but his acts do not match his words. The President has been
scheming for years to involve us in war.’ Vehemently denouncing Roosevelt and
asserting that his election could very well mean both war and dictatorship,
Lewis declared for Wilkie.” (Ibid.; pp. 155-156.)
23.
“He praised Wilkie’s
integrity and described Wilkie as someone who was not an aristocrat but a
common man. ‘He has the common touch. He was born in the briar and not to the
purple. He has worked with his hands, and has known pangs of hunger.’ This
description of Wilkie was pure fantasy and was intended for Lewis’ labor
constituents. Lewis then reviewed the candidate’s promises and aims, including
the promise that Wilkie would give labor full representation in his
administration.” (Ibid.; p. 156.)
24.
“Lewis concluded
his speech with a dramatic pledge. He placed his personal prestige squarely on
the line in support of the Republican nominee by vowing that if Roosevelt
received a third presidential term he would consider it a vote of no confidence
in his own leadership of the CIO. Therefore, he would resign from his position
as president of the CIO if Roosevelt were reelected. He implored his followers:
‘Sustain me now or repudiate me.’” (Idem.)
25.
The Davis/Nazi/GOP/Pryor stratagem was
unsuccessful. “After the
speech, Davis and Lewis waited expectantly for labor to move into the Wilkie
camp. If the CIO vote were captured, it would ensure a Wilkie victory. However,
virtually all of Lewis’s followers, whether they said so or not, were dismayed
by his endorsement of Wilkie. The pro-Roosevelt faction in the CIO had hoped
Lewis would limit himself to vigorous criticism of the president. What had been
expected was a vitriolic attack on Roosevelt and a new ‘plague on both your
houses.’ After his endorsement of Wilkie, Lewis pressured union officials to
support his stand for Wilkie or resign. Several union officials resigned,
including the head of labor’s Non-Partisan League, Gardner Jackson.” (Idem.)
26.
“Jackson may have
been referring to the Davis dealings in his letter of resignation: ‘These are
critical days when, more than ever, men seem to become captives of their
personal ambition for wealth, social position and influence, and when their
adventures in power politics and in finance politics, both at home and in the
international field, also make them captives.’ It is possible that Jackson’s
resignation was closely tied to the Lewis-Davis link. Because the radio
networks sent the bill for the broadcast to the Non-Partisan League, which then
passed it on to the Democrats for Wilkie, it is likely that Jackson was aware
of the source of funding for the broadcast and that he could not condone taking
money from a Nazi sympathizer. . . .” (Idem.)
27.
Another malefactor on the US political scene
in the 1940’s was Attorney General Tom Clark—the father of Ramsey Clark,
himself an Attorney General. (For more about Ramsey Clark, see—among other
broadcasts—FTR#’s 350, 398, 401, 408,
433.) O. John Rogge—a Justice Department official who
was investigated Nazi subversion in the U.S.—was working to expose the Third
Reich’s links to U.S. industrialists, financiers and politicians. Among those
he was working to expose were the figures who had conspired to defeat Roosevelt
in 1940. (See above.) “The Rogge
mission painstakingly scrutinized thousands of confidential documents from the
files of the German War Ministry, Foreign Office, Propaganda Ministry, and
Abwehr. Rogge later said, ‘Our investigation showed us that we had completely
underestimated the scope and scale of Nazi activities in the United States.
When I went to Germany I felt that the biggest threat to American democracy
emanated from the machinations of persons like the defendants in the sedition
trial [i.e. Fascist crackpots]. I found that a far more dangerous threat lay in
the inter-connections between German and American industrialists, and that some
of the best known names in America were involved in Nazi intrigue.’” (Ibid.; p. 206.)
28.
Tom Clark blocked the public release of the
report. “When Rogge returned to
Washington toward the end of June, he was confident that he had uncovered
sufficient evidence to warrant federal prosecution of a number of Americans.
Working at fever pitch, Rogge began preparing a comprehensive report to
Attorney General Clark on the voluminous data he had collected in Germany. In
early July, Rogge submitted to Clark a draft of the first section of his
report.” (Idem.)
29.
“To Rogge’s
surprise, the report’s references to links between the Germans and American
business and political leaders clearly disturbed Clark. . . After reading the
report, Clark declared that it could not possibly be published and would have
to remain a secret document. Rogge was not happy with Clark’s proposal and
asked that Clark hold off on a final decision until the report was completed.
Rogge continued to work on the report through August. As he neared the end, one
of Clark’s aides proposed that Rogge omit all names of American politicians and
businessmen. Rogge refused.” (Idem.)
30.
“By the time
Rogge finished writing the report, he knew that the Department of Justice would
never agree to publish his findings. Accordingly, he decided that he might as
well put everything in the report regardless of whether it was politically
expedient. The incendiary final recommendation of the report was for the
Justice Department to begin an investigation of the collaboration between
German and American industrialists before the war. On September 17, 1946, Rogge
delivered his 396-page report to Attorney General Clark. As Rogge expected,
Clark told him ‘the report would not be made public.’” (Idem.)
31.
Rogge took a leave of absence to make a
college speaking tour, on which he was able to successfully publicize some of
the contents of the suppressed report. “ .
. . Shortly afterward, Rogge obtained permission to take a two-week leave of absence
to make a lecture tour on the fascist menace in the United States. Rogge told
Attorney General Clark that he was going to make a speech on Nazi penetration
of the United States. Rogge said Clark ‘asked me whether I would say that the
department had not attempted to restrain me in any way. He again stated that my
report was not going to be made public. I told him that I would not mention the
report.’” (Ibid.;
p. 207.)
32.
Rogge disclosed the 1940 plot to defeat
Roosevelt: “But in a
Swarthmore College speech, Rogge revealed to his college audience some of his
report’s discoveries. He stated that Goering and Ribbentrop had told him that
John L. Lewis, William Rhodes Davis, Senator Burton Wheeler, former vice
president John Garner, former postmaster general James Farley, and former
president Herbert Hoover had all conspired with the Germans in an attempt to
defeat Roosevelt in 1940 and keep the United States out of the war. He also
mentioned that Hertslet played a key role in the German scheme to prevent Roosevelt’s
reelection in 1940.” (Idem.)
33.
Tom Clark fired Rogge!! Covering up fascist
intrigue apparently runs in the family—Ramsey Clark (his son and also an
Attorney General of the U.S.) helped to cover-up the assassinations of John and
Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. He has represented Nazi war
criminals, the fascist Lyndon Larouche, and Sheik Rahman among others. (Sheik
Rahman is linked to al-Qaeda and the first plot against the World Trade
Center.) Clark also lobbied against the establishment of the Office of Special
Investigations—the Justice Department unit encharged with ferreting out Nazi
war criminals living in the U.S. (This unit was headed by John Loftus.) “On the morning of October 25, Rogge left New York by
plane for a speaking engagement in Seattle, Washington. Due to bad weather, the
plane made an unscheduled stop in Spokane. At the airport Rogge was informed
that there was no room for him on the next leg of the flight. Stuck in Spokane,
he was told that a Mr. Savage was on his way to the airport to see him. Soon
afterward, a man approached Rogge at the airport and said, ‘My name’s Savage,
I’m from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.’ He handed Rogge an envelope. The
envelope contained a letter to Rogge from Attorney General Clark. The letter
curtly notified Rogge that he was dismissed from the Justice Department
immediately. Clearly, the FBI had been following Rogge and had arranged to keep
him in Spokane so that he could be handed his termination letter. Attorney
General Clark wanted Rogge’s authority as a federal official stripped away
before he could speak at another college.” (Ibid.; pp. 207-208.)
34.
Reviewing material presented in a number of
previous broadcasts, the program underscores information about Prescott Bush,
Sr.’s role in assisting with the post-World War II Nazi flight-capital program
directed by Martin Bormann. At the meeting of 8/10/1944 during which the plans
for the flight-capital program were developed, SS General Dr. Scheid (who
presided over the meeting as a surrogate for Martin Bormann) mentioned the
Bush-Harriman controlled Hamburg-Amerika Line as one of the companies that
would prove useful in the postwar resurrection of the Third Reich. “ . . . Dr. Scheid also affirmed, ‘The ground must now be
laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign
countries after the war.’ As an example of the kind of support that had been
most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that ‘patents for
stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc. New York, and the
Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel
Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube,
etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.’ He also
cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika line as
typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests
abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men. [Italics are Mr.
Emory’s.]” (Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile; Paul
Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; p. 25.)
35.
Reviewing information presented in FTR#370, the broadcast notes the suspicious death of
the former Dutch manager of the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvart—part of the
financial triumvirate set up by Fritz Thyssen to mask ownership of his steel
enterprise. “ . . . In 1945,
the former Dutch manager of the Rotterdam bank resumed control only to discover
that he was sitting on a huge pile of hidden Nazi assets. In 1947, the manager
threatened to inform Dutch authorities, and was immediately fired by the
Thyssens. The somewhat naïve bank manager then fled to New York City where he
intended to talk to Union Bank director Prescott Bush. As Gowen’s Dutch source
recalled, the manager intended ‘to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about
Baron Heinrich and the Rotterdam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the
Thyssen interests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and confiscated as
German enemy property. ‘The manager’s body was found in New York two weeks
later.” (“How the Bush Family made its Fortune from the
Nazis” by John Loftus; p. 4.; accessed at: http://www.john-loftus.com/Thyssen.asp
.)
36. Reviewing another item from FTR#370, the broadcast reviews the equally
suspicious death of a Dutch journalist who was investigating the Bush/Nazi
money connection in 1996. For more information about the Bush family’s involvement with Nazi
industry (including their postwar efforts on behalf of the flight capital
program), visit www.debatecomics.org/BushFamilyFortune/
.“Similarly, in 1996, a Dutch journalist Eddy Roever
went to London to interview the Baron [Heinrich Thyssen-Bornemisza], who was
neighbors with Margaret Thatcher. Roever’s body was discovered two days later.
Perhaps, Gowen remarked dryly, it was only a coincidence that both healthy men
had died of heart attacks immediately after trying to uncover the truth about the
Thyssens.” (Idem.)