FTR#393—Love Means Never Having to Say You’re Saudi—(One 30-minute segment) (Sources are noted in parentheses.) (Recorded on 1/5/2003.)
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Updating discussion of Saudi links to the 9/11 attacks, this program highlights institutional connections between elements of the Saudi elite and the Al Qaeda milieu. In addition, the broadcast underscores the altogether problematic German connections to the 9/11 attacks. (For more about the 9/11 attacks and related topics, see FTR#’s 325 and up. FTR#391 presents an analytical breakdown of some of the key features of Mr. Emory’s work on the 9/11 attacks.)

1. Beginning with an observation by a university professor with excellent connections to the political and national security establishments, the discussion sets forth the concept of “the virtual state”—useful for understanding what Mr. Emory calls the Underground Reich, as well as Al Qaeda. (For more about the Underground Reich, see—among other programs—RFA#37, as well as FTR#’s 180, 273, 283, 305, 332, 343, 370.) “University of Texas law professor Philip Bobbitt spent 10 years working on a book published this year that is proving eerily prescient. The Shield of Achilles: War, Peace, and the Course of History is a daunting 919 pages about the transformation of war. It’s filled with political theory. It’s laced with portraits of key diplomatic figures. It’s pages upon pages that discuss the differences between what he terms the nation state, and the market state and the emergence of the virtual state (represented by Al Qaeda as an enemy organization without a definable location.) [Mr. Emory views the Underground Reich as just such a virtual state.]” (“UT Professor Has Finger on Pulse of Warfare” by Sharon Jayson; Austin American-Statesman; 12/2/2002; p. B1.)

2. Next, the program delineates a frightening case in which the German authorities allowed a principal Al Qaeda suspect to slip through their fingers. Their excuse--that to detain him would have violated his civil liberties and their constitution--is less than convincing, under the circumstances. (For more about the German connections to the 9/11 attacks, see—among other programs—FTR#’s 326, 331, 336, 343.) “A German man under investigation for links to top figures of Al Qaeda slipped out of the country last month, withdrawing his four children from school, terminating his lease and obtaining visas for Saudi Arabia without attracting any attention from the police, according to German officials. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.] Christian Ganczarski, 36, a Polish immigrant who until recently lived in the western German city of Muhlheim, had been under investigation since the German police overheard a telephone call from Nizar Nawar, shortly before Mr. Nawar detonated a bomb on April 11 in front of the Ghriba Synagogue on the Tunisian Island of Djerba. The blast killed 21 people, including 14 German tourists.” (“Terror Suspect’s Departure From Germany Raises Concern in Other Nations” by Desmond Butler; The New York Times; 12/24/2002; p. A12.)

3. “Prosecutors overseeing the investigation say that under German law, the evidence tying Mr. Ganczarski to the bombing and his own confession of recent contact with Qaeda leaders were insufficient to keep him under constant surveillance or to prevent him from traveling. They say those limitations are the consequence of a Constitution devised to prevent the reoccurrence of the country’s totalitarian past. . . .” (Idem.)

4. Tunisia is among the countries decrying the behavior of the German authorities in this case. “Last week, the Tunisian justice minister complained openly about Mr. Ganczarski’s departure. ‘Investigations into the attack on Djerba have moved forward very well, and I hope that the flight from Germany of an accomplice of the suspected perpetrator of the attack will not hamper inquiries,’ the minister, Bechir Tekkari, told Agence France-Presse.” (Idem.)

5. The French were less than thrilled, as well. “In a recent interview, a high-ranking French official, who insisted on anonymity, expressed frustration that Mr. Ganczarski had not been detained. Under French law, the official said, ‘he would have been.’” (Idem.)

6. Underscoring the significance of the laxity of the German authorities under the circumstances, the discussion focuses on Ganczarski’s significance in the context of his contact with Al Qaeda leadership. “Mr. Ganczarski is a figure who German prosecutors say may have been able to provide unique knowledge of Qaeda cells. Under interrogation, he has admitted to traveling five times to Qaeda camps in Afghanistan, including once about a month after the Sept. 11 attacks. [Italics are Mr. Emory’s.]” (Idem.)

7. Underscoring Ganczarski’s significance, Germany’s chief prosecutor noted: “ ‘This suspect stands out from all others because he has had contact with the inner circles of Al Qaeda,’ said Kay Nehm, Germany’s chief federal prosecutor, in a recent interview. ‘We do not find such a witness every day. He is someone who knows a lot.’” (Idem.)

8. Ganczarski’s situation is reminiscent of that of Ahmed Huber. (For more about Huber, see—among other programs—FTR#’s 343, 352, 354, 359, 371, 377, 378.) “He [Ganczarski] is also a European Muslim convert, which might pose some concern to investigators. ‘The blond-haired, blue-eyed Al Qaeda terrorist is an investigator’s nightmare because he does not fit the typical profile.’ Col. Nick Pratt, a professor at the George C. Marshall European center for Security Studies in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany, said in an interview.” (Idem.)

9. RFA#37—available from Spitfire--discusses the Vertriebene groups, German organizations closely connected to the residua of the Nazi SS. Espousing the cause of German ethnic nationals in areas formerly occupied by the Third Reich, the groups also had strong connections to the milieu of the ABN. (For more about the ABN, see—among other programs—RFA#’s 14, 15, 36, 37, as well as FTR#367.) Ganczarski is exemplary of the Volksdeutsche—ethnic Germans from Poland, who were a primary beneficiary and constitutency of the Vertriebene milieu. “Until recently, Mr. Ganczarski, who was unemployed, lived in Mulheim, near the industry of the Ruhr Valley. As a child, he immigrated to Germany from Poland under laws providing for the return of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe.” (Idem.)

10. In addition to Ganczarski, the Germans also let his apparent Al Qaeda recruiter slip out of the country. “In the mid-1990’s, Mr. Ganczarski converted to Islam. The police believe that he was recruited by Al Qaeda in nearby Duisburg. The suspected recruiter, Elfatih Musa Ali, also under investigation in connection with the Tunisian blast, left Germany for Sudan in May, according to the German weekly Der Spiegel. In the weeks following the bombing on Djerba, Mr. Ganczarski was questioned on a number of occasions. The German police had been monitoring him because he had been seen in the company of known extremists at a mosque in Duisburg . . .” (Idem.)

11. Although the German police claim it was impossible to prove Ganczarski’s involvement in the Djerba bombing, a partial transcript of the conversation suggests that they were less than vigorous in their pursuit of truth. “ ‘Don’t forget to remember me in your prayers,’ Mr. Nawar told Mr. Ganczarski, according to the transcript. ‘God willing,’ replied Mr. Ganczarski. ‘Do you need anything?’ ‘No thanks,’ came the reply from Mr. Nawar. ‘I need your blessing.’ ‘God willing, O.K.,’ Mr. Ganczarski said.” (Idem.)

12. Adding significance to the unconscionable release of Ganczarski is the fact that Ganczarski’s associate Nawar had apparently been in touch with Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the probable planner of the 9/11 attacks. The German role in the 9/11 attacks is rapidly approaching that of accessory after the fact. “Shortly before the blast, Mr. Nawar had also called Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, who is widely believed to be one of the chief planners of the Sept. 11 attacks. . .” (Idem.)

13. Among Ganczarski’s contacts in Afghanistan were Mohammed and Bin Laden himself. (Bear in mind that one of his trips was a month after 9/11.) “The failure to monitor Mr. Ganczarski occurred after he had confessed to the police that he had been in Afghanistan five times and that he had met on occasions with Mr. Mohammed and once with Osama bin Laden . . .” (Idem.)

14. In FTR#389, we examined the International Relief Organization, one of the Saudi charities implicated in the funding of Al Qaeda. Closely connected to Yassin Al-Qadi (a prominent Saudi and alleged Al Qaeda backer also tied to the milieu of Al Taqwa and the 3/20/2002 Operation Green Quest raids), the IRO was under investigation in the 1990’s. This broadcast further develops the attenuation of that investigation. “Newly available documents show federal investigators had extensive information as early as 1997 about possible fraud and money laundering at a Virginia-based Islamic charity under scrutiny for possible terrorist links. The information shows that U.S. suspicions of financial irregularities at Muslim charities long predate the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist hijackings—and that information-sharing among federal investigators remains a significant hurdle even as this line of pursuit has intensified since the attacks. The International Relief Organization of Alexandria, Va., had been the subject of a major probe of fraud, money laundering and possible terrorism involvement launched in 1995 by the U.S. Attorney in Chicago. The case was an outgrowth of a sweeping federal inquiry into alleged terrorist cells in the Midwest during the mid-1990’s following intelligence reports of stepped-up organizing by groups there . . .” (“U.S. Had Data on Virginia Group In Terror Probe as Early as 1997” by Glenn R. Simpson; The Wall Street Journal; 12/16/2002; p. A4.)

15. Failing to comply with the subpoena, the leaders of the organization (with the apparent backing of the Saudi government) frustrated the inquiry. “The probe faltered after the group, which was sponsored by the Saudi government, allegedly failed to comply with a subpoena from federal prosecutors seeking information about its finances. No charges were ever brought, and for more than five years details of the case have remained under seal in federal court.” (Idem.)

16. When the IRO became a renewed investigative focus following the 3/20/2002 Operation Green Quest raids, federal investigators successfully worked to have the records of the earlier investigation unsealed. “The IRO came under investigation again earlier this year, but officials had little information on the earlier case. Then, following a November report in the Wall Street Journal on the 1997 IRO probe, federal investigators sought the unsealing of testimony and evidence in the case. One Federal Bureau of Investigation affidavit offers new details on the previously undisclosed 1997 probe of the IRO, including evidence that much of the charity’s funds were dispersed to its own officers, to related entities or for vague purposes . . .” (Idem.)

17. Highlighting the role of the Saudi embassy in the events surrounding the IRO investigation, the discussion underscores the significance of the 3/20/2002 Operation Green Quest raids. “The Saudi Embassy also is enmeshed in the IRO case: During the 1990’s, the group received more than $400,000 through the embassy, Saudi officials confirm. U.S. officials now are investigating whether some of the IRO’s funds went to groups or individuals suspected of having ties to terrorists. The prior probe ended without charges against IRO officials, but the group and related entities are at the center of a new high-priority money-laundering and terrorism investigation by federal prosecutors in Virginia. The group’s offices in Alexandria were raided again in March by the Customs Service and FBI. [These raids were the Operation Green Quest raids of 3/20.]” (Idem.)

18. Reviewing a major point of controversy in connection with the 3/20/2002, the program discusses millions of dollars that passed through IRO without having been sufficiently accounted for. “Investigators want to know what happened to millions of dollars that passed through the group’s bank accounts during the 1990’s and remain unaccounted for. They also are interested in the group because it funded another Saudi-backed charity, Taibah International, that has been accused by the Bosnian government of involvement in terrorism.” (Idem.)

19. Exemplifying the economic milieu within which the Saudi elite’s relationship to the Al Qaeda/Al Taqwa forces exists, the program highlights the alleged work of an Al Qaeda operative for the Al Rahji interests. (For more about the Al-Rahjis, see—among other programs—FTR#’s 353, 382.) The SAAR foundation, a major target of the 3/20 raids, is named after the Al Rahji family. “ . . . He [Al Qaeda operative Faisal al-Yusuf] earned a degree in computer engineering, and then, according to his resume, got a job as programmer for the ‘Al Rahji company’ and al-Rahji real estate. Al-Rahji is the name of a large and prominent business family in Saudi Arabia, one branch of which controls a big bank, the Al-Rahji Banking and Investment Corp.” (“Al Qaeda Acolyte, One of Many, Vows To Die for the Cause” by Alan Cullison and Andrew Higgins; The Wall Street Journal; 12/30/2002; p. A9.)

20. Posing a very important question, the program sets forth Saudi Arabia’s sudden reversal of course with regard to allowing the United States to use bases in that country in a war with Iraq. Having previously indicated that they would not allow the use of such bases, they have now changed position. Was there a quid-pro-quo with the Bush administration, and will Bush and company now suppress or discourage investigation of the Saudi role in 9/11 in exchange for the use of these bases? Does this Saudi reversal have anything to do with the “Political Plate Tectonics” discussed in FTR#390? “Saudi Arabia has told American military officials that the kingdom would make its airspace, air bases and an important operations center available to the United States in the event of war with Iraq, senior military officials say. Saudi Arabia was the main staging area for U.S. forces in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, but conflicting public statements by top Saudi officials over the past several months have cast doubt on the Saudis’ support for military operations against Iraq this time around.” (“Saudis to Let U.S. Use Air Facilities in Iraq War” by Eric Schmitt [The New York Times’; San Francisco Chronicle; 12/29/2002; p. A8.)

21. Returning to the concept with which we began the discussion, the program concludes with a look at another aspect of the international “Money-Go-Round” that empowers the “virtual state”—in this case Al Qaeda. Numerous programs have discussed the profound relationship between the international arms trade, the trade in contraband, intelligence agencies and organized crime. (See—among other programs—RFA#’s 20, 25, 29, 38—available from Spitfire, as well as FTR#’s 2, 109.) Because of the enormous profits derived from these overlapping trades (including badly-needed hard currency), these operations transcend international borders and ideological divisions. In addition, the ubiquitous presence of intelligence and counter-intelligence elements in this relationship further complicates the picture. These “para-political relationships” sometimes become deep political relationships—outside of the control of those who created them. The perpetuation of a “virtual state” can be the result. A recent case involving an Al Qaeda-linked diamond operation revealed links to an Israeli arms dealer and a Russian professional associate, and a Bulgarian company. The source for the Al Qaeda-bound weapons was to be the Nicaraguan army. “ . . . European, U.S. and Central American officials have recently found evidence that [Al Qaeda operatives] Nassour and Osailly were trying to buy weapons from the Nicaraguan army and a Bulgarian company. Investigators are trying to unravel whether that deal was meant to supply al Qaeda with SA-8 surface-to-air missiles and sophisticated rockets. Documents obtained by The Post show that on January 2, 2001, an Israeli arms dealer in Panama named Simon Yelnik sent an e-mail to a Russian arms merchant in Guatemala discussing an order that ‘our friends in Africa need.’ Attached was a list of assault rifles, ammunition and rocket-propelled grenade as well as 20 SA-8 missiles and 200 rockets for BM-21 multiple rocket launchers. The weapons provider was to be the Nicaraguan army, the documents show.” (“Report Says Africans Harbored Al Qaeda terror Assets Hidden In Gem-Buying Spree” by Douglas Farah; The Washington Post; 12/29/2002; p. A01.)