FTR#382—The Untouchables—(Two 30-minute segments) (Sources are noted in parentheses.) (Recorded on 10/13/2002.)
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Updating the FTR inquiry into: the Al Taqwa nexus; the Muslim Brotherhood; the elements of Al Taqwa and the Muslim Brotherhood that overlap the targets of Operation Green Quest’s 3/20/2002 raid; and the Al Taqwa/MB/Green Quest elements overlapping the GOP’s ethnic outreach organization; this broadcast highlights the growing body of evidence linking these elements to the events in and around the 9/11 attacks. (For more about the Muslim Brotherhood, see, among other broadcasts, FTR#’s 343, 344, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 358, 359, 369, 371, 373, 376, 377, 378, 381. For more about Al Taqwa, see FTR#’s 335, 336, 338, 341, 343, 351-361, 368, 371, 376, 377, 378, 381. Of particular significance is Youssef Nada’s alleged connection to Third Reich intelligence, the Muslim Brotherhood’s links to the Reich and the other individuals and institutions connecting those three elements. FTR#’s 343, 352, 354, 377, 378, 381 are of particular interest in that regard. For more about 9/11 and related events, see FTR#325 and up.)
1.
The title of this broadcast is an ironic reference to the
Treasury Department investigators working under the fabled Eliot
Ness. The statutes used by Ness are being used against some of the
Saudi funding conduits and Islamic charities that have been used to
support Osama bin Laden, among other elements. Because some of these
funding conduits involve business networks and political connections
that have (so far) remained inviolable, it is the targets of the
Treasury investigators and not the investigators who have
remained, to this point, “untouchable.” (For more about
this “untouchability” and the connections that apparently
engender it, see—among other programs--FTR#’s 356,
357, 359, 360-362, 367, 372.) Beginning with a frank admission of
the partial failure of the effort to interdict terrorist funding, the
program highlights this key element of the war on terror, now taking
a backseat to the impending military action against Iraq—an
action Mr. Emory feels may lead the U.S. into a trap that has been
laid by the Underground Reich. (The subject of Iraq will be discussed
in FTR#382, as well as subsequent broadcasts. “The
US acknowledged yesterday that its year-long effort to shut down
financial support for terrorist groups had failed to impair the
ability of al-Qaeda to launch further terrorist strikes. Alan Larson,
US Undersecretary of State for Economic Affairs, told the Senate
finance committee: ‘It is unfortunately accurate to say that
these organizations still have access to sufficient funds to carry
out operations that will be very damaging to American citizens and to
our national security.’ The admission came as a US grand jury
yesterday indicted the head of a Saudi-backed charity on racketeering
and conspiracy charges, alleging he diverted charitable funds to
al-Qaeda and other terrorist organizations. The Bush administration
has been struggling to decide what steps to take to block the flow of
funds to al-Qaeda, a critical component of US efforts to cripple the
terrorist organization.”
“The
United Nations reported last month that al-Qaeda continues to operate
a large portfolio of ostensibly legitimate businesses worth from $30m
to $300m and that private donations from wealthy supporters of
al-Qaeda, totaling as much as $16m a year, ‘continue largely
unabated.’ Mr. Larson said
that, while the US disputes the accuracy of some of those figures, it
is ‘unquestionably true’ that al-Qaeda retains the
financial resources to undertake missions that would cause serious
harm to the US. ‘I don’t think lack of access to
resources is a major impediment to the operations of terrorist
organizations at this stage,’ he said. . .” (“US
Admits Clampdown on Funding Is Failing” by Edward Alden;
Financial Times; 10/10/2002; p.2.)
2. One of the
Islamic charities that has been charged under the “Ness”
statutes is Benevolence International. That organization and one of
its key Saudi backers (Adel Batterjee) have allegedly been involved
with Al Qaeda and Bin Laden. “The US
says Enaam M Arnaout, executive-director of Benevolence International
Foundation (BIF), engaged in a conspiracy to raise money from Muslim
donors on the pretence that the funds would be used for humanitarian
purposes. Adel Batterjee, a wealthy Saudi who set up the charity in
the 1980’s, was named as a co-conspirator. The indictment
alleges the charity mingled funds from unnamed wealthy Saudis who
knew they were contributing to al-Qaeda with charitable donations. In
one 15-month period from June 2000 to September 2001, the indictment
says, the conspirators transferred $1.4m in funds from a Union Bank
of Switzerland account to BIF’s US checking account, where the
funds were commingled with other donations and distributed abroad.
The US says Mr. Arnaout systematically concealed from the government
and his donors a 10-year history of support for
al-Qaeda, including a personal
relationship with Osama bin Laden.” (Idem.) Whether
or not it is relevant in this context, it is interesting to note that
the Union Bank is a key Bormann/I.G. Farben-related bank. (See
FTR#335.)
3.
More detail about the charges against Benevolence International comes
from a recent Los Angeles Times article. “It
also disclosed that when authorities raided a Benevolence
International office in Bosnia in March, they found a treasure trove
of incriminating Al Qaeda documents, including details of how the
group officially was formed on September 10, 1998; top Saudi Arabian
financiers of the terror network; the text of the original oath of
allegiance pledged by Al Qaeda members; and personnel files of
individual moujahedeen, or Islamic warriors, trained in Afghanistan
under Bin Laden’s direction. ‘The documents . . . show
the American people and the world for the first time tangible proof
of the founding of the world’s most dangerous terrorist network
and the oath of allegiance its members pledge,’ Ashcroft said.
‘It is chilling that the origins of Al Qaeda were discovered in
a charity claiming to do good.’” (“Head
of Islamic Charity Is Indicted” by Josh Meyer; Los Angeles
Times; 10/10/2002; p. A8.)
“The
seized documents also showed that in the mid-to late 1980’s,
Arnaout served as the director of communications at a moujahedeen
camp in Afghanistan under the direction of Bin Laden. While there,
the indictment alleged, Arnaout was involved in acquiring and
distributing hundreds of rockets, mortars and bombs on behalf of
jihad causes.” (Idem.)
4. Benevolence International has allegedly been involved with trying to obtain nuclear and chemical weapons for Al Qaeda. “One Chicago-based FBI agent said in an affidavit that terrorists who have tried to obtain chemical and nuclear weapons on behalf of Al Qaeda have had contacts with Benevolence International offices and personnel.” (Idem.)
5. As discussed in FTR#381, among other broadcasts, the Saudi charity network has been involved with supporting Al Qaeda elements in Chechnya. “The group also has made efforts to provide Chechen rebels and a related military group with money, an X-ray machine and anti-mine boots, the FBI agent said.” (Idem.)
6.
Underscoring the theme element of the broadcast, the program further
develops the utilization of the Ness-era statutes against some of
these Al Qaeda-supporting charity networks. “U.S.
prosecutors, finding terror-financing cases tough to prove despite
new antiteror laws, are adopting the kind of racketeering
and tax charges used against public enemies
from Al Capone to John Gotti. The Justice Department yesterday filed
a lengthy indictment in Chicago against a Muslim activist it suspects
of channeling money to al Qaeda. He is charged with heading a
racketeering conspiracy engaged in mail fraud, wire fraud,
obstruction of justice and money laundering. A charge of support for
terrorism is last on the list and doesn’t need to be proved for
a conviction. The activist, Enaam Arnaout, is an alleged confidant of
Osama bin Laden, who the government says used his Benevolence
International Foundation as an al Qaeda front in Bosnia and
Chechnya.” (“U.S. Tries ‘Al Capone”
Tax Charges In Some Terror-Financing Cases” by Glenn R. Simpson
[with Kelly Spors]; Wall Street Journal; 10/10/2002; p.
A1.)
7. The Benevolence International investigation has
apparently served as a paradigm for moving against the “Untouchables”
targeted in the 3/20/2002 raids. (For more about these raids, see,
among other programs, FTR#’s 356, 357, 376. Of
particular interest in this regard is the intercession on behalf of
the targets by Talat Othman, a long-standing business partner of
George Bush.) “Prosecutors also are
quietly trying to build a similar fraud-and-money-laundering case
against a group of Muslim activists in Northern Virginia, people
familiar with the matter say. In that probe, investigators say, the
government has obtained evidence that large sums were secretly
transferred from the U.S. to Islamic groups under suspicion in Bosnia
for supporting terrorism. The Virginia entities are mostly controlled
by Muhammad Yaqub Mirza, a Pakistani immigrant well-known in Muslim
circles as a money manager for wealthy Saudis. Mr. Mirza and several
of his closest business associates have played key roles in some
dominant Muslim groups in the United States. In a June court filing,
the Justice Department said an official of one of Mr. Mirza’s
charities has ‘established links to Osama bin Laden and other
members of al Qaeda.’ Mr. Mirza’s attorney says he hasn’t
committed any wrongdoing.” (Idem.)
“Congress
passed the Patriot Act in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks
intending to smooth the way to investigating and prosecuting
suspected terrorist activities. In many cases, investigators have
managed to track the flow of money through the complex web of
organizations and individuals they think are financing terrorism. But
distinctions between profit and nonprofit businesses and between
charities and radical groups are muddy. It’s generally not
clear who’s really in control of the money and who knows that
the ultimate goal of the funds is to finance terrorism. And often,
clarifying those points would require relying on
sensitive intelligence. ‘The preference would be to nail them
on material support for terrorism. That is very hard to do,’
said former FBI terrorism analyst Mathew Levitt, a veteran of the
Justice Department’s largely fruitless terrorism investigations
of the 1990’s into U.S. Islamic groups. ‘Pre-9/11, there
was a hesitancy to ‘Al Capone’ people,’ he added.
No longer. ‘It is definitely the way to go when material
support [for terrorism] is not in the cards,’ he said.”
(Ibid.; pp. A1-A8.)
The specific reference to Ness/Capone
is underscored in the following passage. “Prosecutors
are particularly focused on potential tax-law violations they have
found in probing the charitable status of tax-exempt groups set up by
U.S.-based Muslim activists. The tax-evasion strategy was made famous
in the 1920’s by Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon and his top
investigator, Elliot Ness, who examined gangster Al Capone’s
books to charge him with evading income taxes. ‘We are not
going to ignore an IRS or tax violation. . . . Absolutely, we’re
going to go after that,’ said Jimmy Gurule, the treasury
Department’s undersecretary for enforcement and the head of its
campaign against terror financiers.” (Ibid.; p.
A8.)
8. The article sets forth the link of the al-Rajhi
family to the Al Taqwa-connected targets of the 3/20/2002 raids. “The
strategy is likely to have fallout for the U.S. government’s
relationship with one of its closest Mideast allies, Saudi Arabia.
Wealthy Saudi citizens are among the biggest backers of the
U.S.-based Islamic charities the Justice Department is investigating.
In yesterday’s Chicago indictment, prosecutors explicitly
identified a wealthy Saudi, Adel Batterjee, as a member of the
Benevolence International Foundation’s alleged ‘criminal
enterprise.’ He couldn’t be located for comment. In the
Virginia case, investigators believe most of the funds involved come
from the al-Rajhi banking family of Saudi Arabia, another wealthy and
prominent business clan. Bank and corporate records, some obtained by
a Washington nonprofit group called the National Security News
Service, show that the Virginia charities were an integral part of a
large business empire, much of it devoted to profit-making activities
including poultry-farming and real-estate speculation.”
(Idem.)
9. One should not fail to note the presence in
this milieu of the bin Mahfouz family, very closely connected to the
Bush family, as well as Al Qaeda. (For more about this connection,
see, among other programs, FTR#’s 329, 330, 342, 346,
353, 362, 376, 381.) “One of the
Virginia charities under investigation, the Success Foundation, also
received funds from a company in the Netherlands Antilles called
Pathfinder Investments NV, controlled by the bin Mahfouz family of
Saudi Arabia. The family said in a statement that it intended its
$100,000 donation ‘would be used solely for appropriate
charitable purposes’ such as food and health services. The
Muslim activists who run many of the charities in the Virginia
investigation told the IRS in a 1998 tax filing that some $9million
flowed from one of their charities, the SAAR Foundation, to another
charity called the Humana Charitable Trust in the Isle of Man. But
Isle of Man officials said no such charity is registered. The tiny,
semi-independent country in the Irish Sea is known to law-enforcement
authorities as a haven for tax evasion and money-laundering. U.S.
officials believe some money from the Virginia groups passed instead
through a private, unregistered trust on the Isle of Man known as
Happy Hearts, then moved to other countries. Some funds linked to the
Virginia activists allegedly went to a group called Human Appeal
International. Bosnian intelligence officials have alleged that Human
Appeal served as a front for terrorists there. The FBI alleges that
Human Appeal is associated with Hamas, the Islamic terror group
operating in the West Bank Gaza. . . .” (Idem.)
10.
Highlighting an element that is developed more completely later on in
this broadcast, the program notes evidentiary tributaries connecting
the Benevolence International investigation with the Virginia case.
“In the Chicago case, prosecutors say
Benevolence director Arnaout was a top aide to Mr. bin Laden who
obtained weapons for al Qaeda. The group also is alleged to have
provided travel documents for an al Qaeda founder, Mamdouh Mahmud
Salim. But some of the allegations are that he defrauded his donors
by falsely claiming the funds would be used for humanitarian purposes
and committed tax fraud by lying to the IRS about BIF’s
finances. Lawyers representing BIF and Mr. Arnaout denied the
allegations that the charity ever supported Mr. bin Laden or other
terrorist groups and called their client ‘a pawn in the war on
terrorism.’ The Chicago and Virginia cases may be related.
According to terrorism researcher Rita Katz, a Muslim activist who is
listed in corporate records as one of the people who helped set up
Benevolence, Hassan Bahafadhallah, also is listed as an official of
at least two of the Virginia groups.” (Idem.)
11.
A very important article from the Washington
Post draws more closely the connecting links between Al Taqwa,
the Muslim Brotherhood, the targets of the 3/20 raids, and Al Qaeda.
“Six
months after they raided the Northern Virginia headquarters of some
of the nation's most respected Muslim leaders, federal agents say
they are pursuing a trail of intriguing clues in a top-priority
search for evidence of tax evasion and financial ties to terrorists.
Federal and European investigators say that several lines of inquiry
have emerged from their review of documents and computer files they
carted off in a dozen panel trucks from offices and homes affiliated
with the Herndon-based SAAR Foundation, a tight-knit cluster of
prominent Muslim groups funded by wealthy Saudis. One avenue of
investigation is the alleged transfer of millions of dollars from the
SAAR network to two overseas bankers who have been designated by the
U.S. government as terrorist financiers. Another is the network
officials' history of ties to the militant Muslim Brotherhood.”
(“U.S. Trails Va. Muslim Money, Ties” by Douglas Farah
and John Mintz;
Washington Post; 10/7/2002; p.1; accessed at
www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A52054-2002Oct6.html
.)
12.
Note the connections between the SAAR Foundation, its founder
al-Rajhi and the
Third Reich-connected milieu that we have examined in connection with
al Taqwa and the
Muslim Brotherhood. “A third part
of the investigation concerns a key mystery: whether an
astonishing $1.8 billion in gifts passed through the SAAR Foundation
in a single year, 1998. SAAR leaders reported that sum on a tax form,
but later said it was a clerical error. Agents are struggling to sort
through and translate rooms full of documents -- many in Arabic --
and chasing leads in 17 countries. U.S. officials call the
investigation one of the highest priorities of Operation Green Quest,
the U.S. Customs Service task force formed after the Sept. 11 attacks
to wage a financial war on terror. The probe is part of a global
crackdown the U.S. government has launched to stem the funding of
terror groups since Sept. 11, 2001. That crackdown has targeted a
number of large Muslim charities here and abroad. The SAAR network
consists of more than 100 Muslim think tanks, charities and
companies, many of which are linked by overlapping boards of
directors, shared offices and the circular movement of money,
according to tax forms and federal investigators. The network, named
for Sulaiman
Abdul Aziz
Rajhi,
the patriarch of the Saudi family that funded it, gives to charities,
invests in companies and sponsors research, all with a goal of
fostering the growth of Islam. The SAAR Foundation officially
dissolved in December 2000, and many of its functions were taken over
by another group, Safa
Trust, run by many of the same people.”
(Ibid.; pp. 1-2.)
13.
Touching on the Florida lawsuit filed by the heroic John Loftus,
culminating in the 3/20 raids against the SAAR-related entities, the
program sets forth some of the particulars about the connections to
Youssef Nada and the
Al Taqwa milieu.
(For more on this lawsuit, see FTR#’s
357, 362.)
“Government officials say the
investigation of the SAAR groups, which began with a probe of
anti-Israel activists in Florida in 1996 and intensified after the
Sept. 11 attacks, has not traced money from the SAAR entities to the
al Qaeda terrorist network. But U.S. and European investigators say
they have uncovered information in the Bahamas and Europe that in
recent years some SAAR entities’ funds have moved to two men,
Youssef
Nada and Ahmed Idris
Nasreddin,
designated by the United States as terrorist financiers.”
(Ibid.; p. 2.)
14.
Note that Pier Felice
Barchi, attorney for
Ahmed Idris
Nasreddin (as well
as Italian Prime Minister Silvio
Berlusconi and Youssef
Nada), has some very interesting connections. Reflect on the Barchi
comments below against the information provided about him in FTR#’s
357, 358, 359, 377.)
“The funds moved through two offshore
banks in the Bahamas that the pair controlled, officials said. The
institutions, Bank al Taqwa
and Akida
Bank Private Ltd., have been designated conduits for terrorist
funds by the U.S. Treasury Department. In recent months they were
shut down by Bahamian authorities under U.S. pressure. In an August
report, Treasury said that the banks “have been involved in
financing radical groups” including Hamas
and al Qaeda, both before and after the Sept. 11 attacks. Bank al
Taqwa
and Akida
Bank were
described by the Treasury Department on Aug. 29 as “shell
companies” that were “not functional banking
institutions.” Nada and Nasreddin
said they have done nothing wrong and pointed out that thousands
of businesses use offshore havens like the Bahamas. In March, Nada
told reporters he is a legitimate businessman and has never funded
terror. Nasreddin
could not be reached for comment, but his Geneva-based lawyer,
P.F. Barchi,
said in May that his client has no links to terror and abhors
violence.” (Idem.)
15.
The SAAR/Al Taqwa
link is discussed at greater length. “U.S.
officials say they believe that the SAAR network moved a total of
about $20 million to offshore accounts, much of it through Bank al
Taqwa
and Akida
Bank to Nada and Nasreddin
firms. But because of the complex nature of the wire transfers,
which sent money through myriad accounts, officials say they have had
difficulty tracking SAAR entities’ money around the world. In
1998, for example, SAAR moved $9 million to the Humana Charitable
Trust, which a SAAR tax form said was based in the tax haven of the
Isle of Man. U.S. investigators said they found no evidence the trust
existed. Panama, another tax haven, was also the destination of
millions of dollars. “Looking at their finances,” one
U.S. official involved in the probe said,
“is like looking into a black hole.” Much about the
SAAR entities remains in dispute, including the reported $1.8 billion
in gifts in 1998. For years, the foundation operated on annual
budgets of about $1.5 million. Then it reported on its 2000 tax form
that it had taken in $1.8 billion in contributions two years earlier.
. . . U.S. officials say that they believe the reference to $1.8
billion was no mistake. “We are still looking at it as a real
transaction,” a U.S. official said. But investigators
acknowledge that they haven't found evidence that sums of that size
coursed through the network.”
(Ibid.; pp. 2-3.)
16.
The SAAR links to the Muslim Brotherhood and that institution’s
links to other Islamist terror groups are delineated in the passage
that follows. “Another focus of the
probe is the SAAR leaders’ links to the Muslim Brotherhood, a
74-year-old group which is under investigation by European and Middle
Eastern governments for its alleged support of radical Islamic and
terrorist groups. For decades the brotherhood has been a wellspring
of radical Islamic activity; Hamas,
the militant Palestinian group, is an offshoot of it. European
officials are particularly interested in the brotherhood's ties to
leading neo-Nazis,
including the Swiss Holocaust denier Ahmed Huber. A number of central
figures in the SAAR network, including Rajhi,
were for decades involved in the brotherhood, where they befriended
Nada, said representatives and friends of the SAAR officials. The
one-time radicalism of SAAR network members has mellowed since they
moved to the United States, SAAR associates said. Nada, 73, a native
of Egypt, has been one of the brotherhood's leading figures for
years, and European officials say his network of banks and companies,
including Bank al Taqwa
and Akida
Bank, are intimately tied to the brotherhood. European officials
say the two banks handled tens of millions of dollars for the
brotherhood over the years.”
(Ibid.; p. 3.)
“A
wealthy construction magnate, Nada controls firms across Europe and
the Arab world. Nasreddin,
of Ethiopian descent, operates a business empire intertwined with
Nada's out of Milan. Founded in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood has
over the decades helped stir a revival in Islamic pride and militant
opposition to secular Arab regimes. Governments in Egypt, Syria and
Iraq have harshly cracked down on the group since the 1950s. The
organization, viewed as heroic in much of the Arab world, has
recently moderated some of its radical stances.”
(Idem.)
17.
Ibrahim Hassaballa,
another of the Al Taqwa-linked
individuals, is discussed in connection with the SAAR/Safa
Trust nexus. “Investigators said they
have also uncovered numerous ties between SAAR entities and Bank al
Taqwa.
Samir
Salah
-- a founder of the Safa
Trust, SAAR's
successor, and an officer of other SAAR companies -- helped
establish Bank al Taqwa
in the Bahamas in the mid-1980s, according to a Treasury document.
In a letter to The Washington Post, Salah
said he had no role with the bank. Ibrahim
Hassaballa,
another officer of some SAAR-related companies, also helped set up
Bank al Taqwa
in the Bahamas, according to the document. Hassaballa
did not respond to numerous requests for comment.” (Ibid.;
pp. 3-4.)
18.
Underscoring the duplicitous nature of many of the Isamofascist
elements associated with the SAAR network, the discussion highlights
the use of that nexus by Saudis’ intent on masking their
involvement with terrorism. Again—note the links to the Muslim
Brotherhood. “Terrorism specialists
say the significance of the SAAR network is that it could offer
wealthy Persian Gulf financiers a circuitous route for money they
don't want traced. “A rich Saudi who wants to fund radical
ideas or terrorists like Hamas
and al Qaeda knows he can't send the money directly, so he filters
it through companies and charities, often in the U.S. or Europe,”
said Rita Katz, a terrorism expert at the private SITE Institute in
Washington. The SAAR organizations are run by approximately 15 Middle
Eastern and Pakistani men, a number of whom live in two-story homes
on adjoining lots in Herndon that were developed by one of their
affiliated firms in 1987. SAAR representatives say most were born
into devout Muslim families and some fell under the sway of the
Muslim Brotherhood. In the 1960s and 1970s, funded largely by Persian
Gulf and particularly Saudi money, the men who would later form the
SAAR network fled their homelands amid crackdowns on the
brotherhood.” (Ibid.;
p. 4.)
19.
The World Assembly of Muslim Youth (formerly headed by Al Taqwa
associate Jamal Barzinji
and a member of the Bin Laden family suspected of helping Al Qaeda)
is among the institutions linked to SAAR. (For more on this link, see
FTR#356, 357.) Note also that SAAR became one of the biggest
landlords in the Washington, D.C. area in the 1980’s.) “In
Saudi Arabia and the United States, they helped launch groups that
would evolve into some of the nation's and the world's leading
Islamic organizations, including the Muslim Students Association, the
World Assembly of Muslim Youth and the Islamic Society of North
America. In 1984, Yaqub
Mirza,
a Pakistani native who received a PhD in physics from the University
of Texas in Dallas, used money from the Rajhis
to start SAAR in Virginia, with the goal of spreading Islam and
doing charitable work. Mirza
also sought out business ventures for SAAR. By investing the
Rajhis'
money with Washington real estate developer Mohamed Hadid,
he made SAAR one of the region's biggest landlords in the 1980s. The
SAAR network also became one of South America's biggest apple growers
and the owner of one of America's top poultry firms, Mar-Jac
Poultry in Georgia. “The funds came very easily,” said
a businessman who dealt with SAAR. “If they wanted a few
million dollars, they called the al-Rajhis,
who would send it along. . . .”
(Idem.)
20.
Further developing the discrepancy between the moderate face put
forward by SAAR’s defenders and the extremist reality of the
organization’s influence, the program revisits the Loftus
lawsuit filed in Florida against Sami
al-Arian and others. (Be sure to visit Loftus’ website at
www.john-loftus.com
for more information about the lawsuit and the 3/20 raids.) “Despite
their moderate public face, the SAAR groups” leaders have had
close dealings with people who were more radical. Among them were
Muslim activists who ran two vehemently anti-Israel organizations
affiliated with the University of South Florida in Tampa. Despite the
Florida activists' denials, federal officials have been investigating
them for years based on suspicions that they organized support for
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which the U.S. government has declared a
terrorist group because it organizes suicide bombings in Israel.
Steve Emerson, a terrorism expert who has studied SAAR for six years,
said that “although the SAAR network presents a moderate
profile, they have contacts and connections to Islamic groups here
and abroad that
are under investigation for ties to
terrorism.” (Ibid.;
pp. 4-5.)
21.
Some of the group’s correspondence belies their “moderate”
pretensions. “In a letter to a SAAR
official, the Tampa groups described the SAAR network as their main
funding source. SAAR allies said the money went only to conferences
and publications. Some of the Tampa activists later joined a SAAR
affiliate in Virginia. One of them, Bashir
Nafi,
was deported as an alleged Islamic Jihad operative in 1996. The
investigation of SAAR began after a 1995 raid of the Tampa groups'
offices yielded many documents showing close ties with the SAAR
organizations, U.S. officials said. Leesburg scholar Alalwani,
in a 1993 letter to the Tampa groups that he said was also on behalf
of several other SAAR leaders, described donations sent to the
Florida activists. “We consider you a part of us and an
extension of us,” the letter said. “All your institutions
are considered by us as ours. . . . We make a commitment to you; we
do it for you as a group, regardless of the party or facade you use
the money for.” After the 1995 Tampa searches, investigators
widened that probe, launching a related investigation of the SAAR
network, which lasted into the late 1990s.”
(Ibid.; p. 5.)
22.
In the context of the documented links of the SAAR/Al Taqwa/Muslim
Brotherhood/Al Qaeda nexus to the Bush family and the Republican
Party, it is interesting to contemplate the fact that the Clinton
White House pushed for a more rigorous investigation of the milieu—to
no avail. “In 1998, National Security
Council aides in the Clinton White House pushed the FBI to intensify
that SAAR investigation. But knowledgeable sources said the FBI
declined because of fears that a probe would be seen as ethnic
profiling. The sources said U.S. officials also pressed senior Saudi
officials to investigate SAAR and other Saudi-funded charities. “At
the end of the day the progress can best be described as marginal,”
said one U.S. official. . . U.S. officials dispute that account,
saying that FBI officials never gave SAAR officials such blanket
clearance. Customs revived the probe after the Sept. 11 attacks, with
help from Europeans probing Bank al Taqwa's
Italian and Swiss operations. “We are looking for patterns
and connections, so it is very complicated,” said a U.S.
official. “The al Taqwa-SAAR
nexus is a very high priority.’”
(Idem.)
23. For the
convenience and use of the listener, it is recommended that research
on SAAR, al-Rajhi, the WAMY, Benevolence International, Batterjee et
al. discussed in a recent book should be accessed in order to
supplement the discussion presented in this program. This material
will be detailed in a future For The Record program.
(Forbidden Truth; by Jean-Charles Brisard & Guillaume
Dasquie; 2002 [SC]; Thunder’s Mouth/Nation Books; Copyright
2002 by Jean-Charles Brisard & Guillaume Dasquie; ISBN
1-56025-414-9; pp. 57-60.)
24. The profound
connections of the “Untouchables” to the Bush
Administration, the GOP and the corridors of economic power may well
underlie the frustration of the formation of an independent
commission to investigate the attacks of 9/11. “Lawmakers
pushing for an independent commission to investigate government
failures surrounding last year’s terrorist attacks blamed the
White House on Friday for scuttling an apparent agreement this week.
Sens. Joseph Lieberman, D-Conn., and John McCain, R-Ariz., sponsors
of the legislation, said administration officials are maneuvering at
the last minute to limit the panel’s scope, even while claiming
publicly to support a broad, unfettered investigation. Some went
further, saying the White House might be seeking to quietly scuttle
the commission altogether. House Minority Whip Nancy Pelosi, D-San
Francisco, said the administration is trying to ‘privately move
to thwart it behind the scenes. . .’” (“Sept.
11 Fact-Finding Hits Snag” by Richard Simon and Greg Miller
[Los Angeles Times]; San Jose Mercury News; 10/12/2002;
p. 4A.)
“Relatives of victims
of the attacks lambasted the White House early in the day, accusing
the administration of undermining the deal. . . Creating an
independent commission, patterned after those that investigated the
1941 Pearl Harbor attack and President Kennedy’s assassination
in 1963, appeared to be a sure thing after the White House recently
dropped its opposition to the idea.” (Idem.)
25.
Noting the role of Rep. Porter Goss in the alleged frustration of the
formation of the commission, one should bear in mind that Goss is a
former CIA officer. He appears to have been functioning as a flack
for the White House. “The Senate last
month overwhelmingly voted to create the panel and give it broad
authority to investigate a range of issues, from immigration policies
to aviation security. The House earlier approved a commission that
would be more limited in scope. House and Senate negotiators had
announced a resolution of their differences Thursday afternoon, but
the accord fell apart by the end of the day when Rep. Porter Goss,
R-Fla., chair of the House intelligence committee, raised last-minute
objections. Lieberman and McCain on Friday laid blame for the
unraveling on the White House. Goss is seen by many on Capitol Hill
as the White House’s surrogate in negotiations on the
commission. Goss said Thursday that he was not satisfied that the
panel would have authority to investigate all branches of government,
including Congress. But Senate aides involved in the talks said Goss
had not raised that issue previously, and that he left the bargaining
table Thursday citing objections ‘above my pay grade,’
interpreted by some as a reference to the White House. . . .”
(Idem.)
26. One of the points to be considered in this context, is the possibility that the Bush administration wants to avoid (among other things) investigation of a point that was underscored in FTR#347. This investigative element embraces the Bush/Bin Laden links, the presence in Washington D.C. on 9/11 of Bin Laden family members with Bush associates at the annual investor conference of the Carlyle Group (one of a number of business ventures linking the Bushes and Bin Ladens), and the fact that members of the Bin Laden family were flown out of the United States on 9/12/2001 before they could be interviewed by the FBI. (No other civilians could fly in the United States on that date.) “Additionally, the administration wants to prevent the commission from being able to look into the government’s actions immediately after the terrorist attacks, according to a congressional staffer. Lieberman and McCain vowed to resist efforts to limit the panel’s scope.” (Idem.) It remains to be seen whether the Bushes/Carlyle/the Bin Laden family/Al Taqwa/the targets of the 3/20 raids/the SAAR milieu and the Muslim Brotherhood remain “Untouchable.”