FTR-292 Power Corrupts (Two 30-minute segments)
(Sources are noted in parentheses.) (Recorded on 4/15/2001.)
This program revisits the subject of the California
and national "energy crises." (For more on California’s
"energy crisis," see FTR-280.
For more on the use of fossil fuel shortages as a political tool on behalf of
the Georges Bush, see also: FTR #’s 214,
236, 256, 281 and L #’s 9, 10.)
1.
The broadcast begins with discussion of the relationship between the
father of Saudi-born terrorist Osama Bin Laden and King Ibn Saud, the monarch
of, and founder of, Saudi Arabia.
(For discussion of the relationship between the Bush family and the Bin Laden
family, see also: FTR #’s 186, 248, 256,
277.) Significantly, Bin Laden’s father was a close friend and political
ally of King Ibn Saud. "Bin Laden’s father, Mohammed Awad Bin Laden,
emigrated from Southern Yemen’s Hadraamawt Valley in the 1920’s to Saudi
Arabia, where he became a close friend of the country’s founder and first
monarch, Abdul-Aziz Ibn Saud, whose example he followed by taking almost as
many wives as the king. Like the king, Mohammed’s many children consolidated
his strategic alliances through extended families."
("Millionaire, Terrorist, Fugitive"by Robin Allen and Carola Hoyos; Financial Times; 4/14-4/15/2001; p. 10.)
(It should be noted that Bin Laden’s father was killed in a plane crash in
1967. The "Sheik Bin Laden" represented by Bush associate James R.
Bath was another member of the family, not Osama’s father.)
2.
Interestingly (and, perhaps, significantly) Osama Bin Laden is credited
with having engineered the successful ambush of U.S.
troops in Somalia,
an incident which helped to discredit Bill Clinton’s administration in its
first months. "One
of Bin Laden’s earliest actions was arguably one of his most successful. U.S.
prosecutors claim that Al-Queda (The Base), the network he co-founded in Afghanistan
allegedly to carry out terrorist attacks, trained those who ambushed and killed
18 U.S.
servicemen stationed in Somalia
in 1983." (Idem.) It should be remembered that the elder George
Bush committed U.S.
troops to Somalia
in the first place. In addition, elements of U.S.
intelligence, Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon were involved with the Stibam
arms-for-drugs ring that helped to arm the Somali combatants in the first
place. (See also: RFA#20.)
3.
As noted in FTR #’s 182 and 216, King Ibn Saud was an ally of the
Third Reich, British fascist Jack Philby and Bush family associate Allen
Dulles, who helped George W.’s grandfather and great grandfather hide their
investments on behalf of Nazi Germany. (For more on the Bush-Dulles connection,
see FTR #’s 186, 244, 248, 273.) "Jack
Philby has become an obscure footnote to the history of the Cold war. But his
legacy was far from minor. He is one of the lesser-known but most influential
persons in the modern history of the Middle East, the
renegade British intelligence agent who plucked an obscure terrorist out of the
desert and helped to make him the king of Saudi
Arabia. Ibn Saud was very much his creation.
Philby stole the information from British intelligence files that engineered Saudi
control over the holiest shrines of the Moslem world. Jack Philby and Ibn Saud
betrayed the British empire and made the American oil
companies economic masters of the region. The man who helped them do it was
Allen Dulles, an American spy who had befriended while he was coordinating
American intelligence gathering in the Middle East in the first half of the
1920’s. Between them, these three men built the very foundations of the modern Middle
East. They were the architects of the oil weapon, the instigators
of war, the manipulators of history. More important, Philby’s and Ibn Saud’s
political and philosophical allegiance was to Nazi Germany,
while much of Dulles’s profits came from the same source." (The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western
Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People; by John Loftus and Mark Aarons;
Copyright 1994 [HC]; St. Martin’s Press; ISBN 0-312-11057-X; p. 21.)
4.
Much of the first half of the broadcast consists of reading and
analysis of an informative article by Sam Parry in Online Journal. ("Bush, Coal & the Internet" by Sam
Parry; Online Journal; 10/9/2000;
accessed from their web site at www.onlinejournal.com/Special.)
5.
This article points out that Bush, in an address in September of 2000,
foreshadowed the "electricity shortage" that has beset California
and threatens to affect much of the rest of the country as well. "In a major address on energy policy,
George W. Bush offered a surprising assessment of the Internet as a heavy drain
on the nation’s electrical grid and factor forcing the United
States toward a costly new round of
power-plant construction, including more coal-fired generators and nuclear
reactors. Bush’s comment about the Internet-as-fuel guzzler flew in the face of
widespread scientific opinion that the Internet and other technological
advances have eased the U.S.
economy’s reliance on energy, not made it worse. Yet on September 29, the
Republican presidential nominee said, ‘Today, the equipment needed to power the
Internet consumes 8 percent of all the electricity produced in the United
States.’ Bush cited this fast-growing energy
demand as a justification for drilling in new oil fields, including Alaska’s
Arctic National Wildlife Reserve, and for increased burning of coal."
(Ibid.; p. 1.)
6.
His prescription is not altogether surprising in light of the fact that
Bush’s figures are derived from a study by a coal industry lobbying
organization. This same organization says that carbon dioxide produced by coal
burning plants is good for the earth!
"What
Bush did not explain—and what the press did not deign to find out—was that
Bush’s claim about the Internet’s energy use came from a study commissioned by
a coal-industry group that endorses the view that more carbon dioxide in the
atmosphere is good—not bad—for the earth. Also not mentioned by Bush was that
the coal industry’s Internet study concluded that the United
States must undertake a $1 trillion investment
in new power plants to meet energy demands supposedly created by the internet
and other new technologies. . . . Bush’s Internet energy figure can be traced
to a 1999 study entitled ‘The Internet Begins with Coal,’ written by Mark
Mills, president of Mills McCarthy & Associates Inc. Based on Mills’
personal calculations, the study states, ‘The electricity appetite of the
equipment on the Internet has grown from essentially nothing 10 years ago to 8
percent of the total U.S. electricity consumption today.’ Mills goes on to
predict that ‘now seems reasonable to forecast that in the foreseeable future,
certainly within two decades, the direct and indirect needs of the Internet
will consume 30-50 percent of the nation’s energy supply." To meet that
demand, Mills says, will require a $1 trillion investment ‘in a hard-power backbone
to supply electricity.’ Mills warns that ‘while environmentalists want to
substantially reduce coal use in making electricity, there is no chance of
meeting future economically driven and Internet-accelerated electric demand
without retaining and expanding the coal component.’ According to a summary of
Mills’ report, published at the Web site, www.fossilfuels.org, the Internet project grew
‘out of an inquiry by greening Earth Society president Fred Palmer.’ Mills also
is listed as a scientific adviser to the Greening Earth Society, a think tank
dedicated to the proposition that the rising level of carbon dioxide in the
atmosphere is beneficial to the earth, not the ‘greenhouse’ threat to the
environment that many scientists see. The Greening Earth Society, however, is
not a disinterested scientific body. It was established by the Western
Fuels Association, a cooperative owned by seven coal-burning utilities mostly
in the West and Midwest. According to the latest annual
report, the Western Fuels Association delivered 22.7 million tons of coal to
member utilities in 1999. Greening Earth Society president Palmer, who
commissioned the Internet study, also is Western Fuel’s chief executive."
(Ibid.; pp. 1-2.)
7.
The assertions by George W. (and the interests he represents) that the
internet is causing the "energy crisis" are not borne out by fact. "Analysts for
the Lawrence Berkeley National Labs and the Center for Energy and Climate
Solutions calculate the Internet is drawing about one percent of U.S.
electricity, while helping to achieve an historic shift toward energy
conservation for the country. Traditionally, U.S.
economic growth, as measured by the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), has tracked
almost precisely the nation’s energy consumption. When the economy has grown,
energy use has increased at about the same rate, a trend that has held until
the Internet-dominated New Economy of the past several years. Advanced
technology seems to have produced substantial energy savings, these studies
found. For instance, in the immediate ‘pre-Internet era’ of 1993-1996, the U.S.
GDP grew an average of 3.2 percent per year, while electricity demand grew 2.9
percent per year, a ratio of 1.1 to 1. In contrast, the ‘Internet era’ of
1997-2000 has averaged 4.2 percent economic growth per year while averaging 2.2
percent annual growth in electricity demand, a ratio of 1.9 to 1. These figures
indicate that the economy achieved a near doubling of efficiency in terms of
electricity use in the Internet era than in the pre-Internet period. What’s
more, this analysis does not account for the fuel saved by people who now do
their reading, shopping, and communicating online rather than traveling to the
neighborhood library or local mall or sending regular mail through the postal
service. Factoring in other types of energy, such as gasoline, the pre-Internet
period of 1993-1996 saw a 2.3 percent increase in total energy demand while the
1997-2000 Internet period saw energy demand increase only 1 percent per year.
All this while Americans were increasingly driving more time in traffic and
using more home heating and cooling due to the extreme weather patterns of 1998
and 1999." (Ibid.; p. 3.)
8.
In connection with Bush’s affinity for fossil fuels and coal-generated
power plants, in particular, the broadcast reviews a section of a very
important article that was the focal point of FTR#281. ("Los Amigos de Bush" by Julie Reynolds; El Andar Magazine; Fall/2000 [Vol.11,
#3].) One of Bush’s closest Latino associates is Ernesto Ancira, Junior.
Related by marriage to the family of former President Raul Salinas, the Ancira
family are pivotally involved with the Mexican energy generation industry.
9.
One of the Ancira family ventures was the Carbon II power plant. "The Anciras had teamed up with an old
school chum, pharmaceutical heir Xavier Autrey, during President Salinas’
privatization free-for-all of the late 1980’s. The ‘A’ kids maneuvered six
million dollars of other peoples’ money into billions, buying up mining and
energy companies as well as Mexico’s
largest steel company, Altos Hornos de Mexico (AHMSA). Soon their companies
were accused of being fronts for the drug trade, and were described as such by
analyst R.C. Whalen at a 1993 U.S.
congressional hearing. Together with a secretive bi-national strip-mining
operation called Dos Republicas, the Anciras tried to get a Tex-Mex energy deal
going by re-vamping a decrepit coal-burning power plant on the border, named
Carbon II. They convinced the World Bank, Citibank and Southern
California Edison to invest over $250 million in the project. It
was a disaster. The Anciras reputation sank as fast as a rust-eaten bucket, and
partners and investors began to look for ways out. The Ancira family was accused by shareholders
of wasting extraordinary amounts of money on corporate jets, limousines and
other luxuries. Not to mention their extensive purchases of San
Antonio real estate. Just last year, while the company
amassed nearly $2 billion in debt and had to suspend payments, the Anciras
began quietly moving property titles to Cayman Island holding companies, with
the help of their front man Marcelo Sanchez. Carbon II should have
been the kind of project Governor Bush would have embraced: a model energy
venture between Mexico
and the U.S.
But as environmentalists’ complaints about air pollution grew louder, Bush’s
comments grew guarded. By the time of the project’s final demise in 1995—due to
mismanagement as well as the fact that its approval by Salinas
had been blatantly illegal—Bush was given credit for heeding environmental
concerns." (Ibid.; pp. 26-27.) To access the rest of the article
(which Mr. Emory believes should have received a Pulitzer Prize), visit their
Web Site at www.elandar.com.
10.
As the global energy industry is deregulated, energy corporations are
crossing national boundaries. One of the fastest growing electricity companies
is the German giant Eon. The second largest electricity generating company in
the world, it is currently expanding into the United
States, where it plans to establish a
significant presence.
11.
“Britain’s
second largest power generator yesterday became a mere stepping stone in the
global ambitions of one of Europe’s biggest utilities.
Eon, Germany’s second largest utility, finally launched its long-awaited
$13.5bn bid for PowerGen, calling it the first stage in its drive to become one
of the largest power companies in the U.S. ‘We are now getting ready for a
double jump, across the [English] Channel and from there across the Atlantic
Ocean,’ said Ulrich Hartmann, chief executive . . . .Instead, Eon decided to
spare no cost and face severe U.S. regulatory scrutiny to set up its first
power base in the U.S. PowerGen, which recently purchased LG& E, the
Kentucky-based utility, offers expertise in the highly regulated and fragmented
U.S. market. Eon gains access to PowerGen’s experience with the
fully-liberalized U.K.
electricity market." ("PowerGen Is a Stepping Stone" by Uta Harnischfeger; Financial Times; 4/10/2001;
p. 24.)
12.
Whereas deregulation has obliged companies in the United
Kingdom to divest themselves of corporate
assets in order to maximize market competition, it has had the opposite effect
in Germany. “In the UK,
the dominant generating companies were forced to divest in order to promote
competition. So in spite of PowerGen’s acquisition of L G & E of Kentucky,
it is a relatively small power company in international terms, with only about
8 per cent of the U.K. market. In Germany,
by contrast, deregulation has allowed consolidation of the regional monopolies
into two main groups Eon and RWE. Eon, formed from Veba and Viag, is now set to
become the second largest electric company in the world after Electricity de
France. It plans to become bigger still by making U.S.
acquisitions.” ("Bad Connection;" [editorial]; Financial Times; 4/11/2001;
p. 16.)
13.
As Eon began divesting itself of assets in order to comply with U.S.
regulatory statutes, the nature of some of its businesses proved to be more
than a little interesting. One of its main corporate subsidiaries was the
Degussa chemical firm. “Eon the German utility pledged to sell its Degussa
chemicals division yesterday after agreeing to buy PowerGen, the British
electricity group, in a deal worth $13.8bn). U.S.
regulations bar groups that generate less than 80 percent of their sales from
electricity and gas supply from owning U.S.
energy companies. To comply with the regulations, Eon will also sell its real
estate activities. Chemical operations contributed 22 percent of Eon’s sales
last year . . . . The acquisition of PowerGen will make eon the world’s largest
power supplier behind Electricity de France, the state-owned power group, which
would be 30 per cent bigger. The acquisition will give Eon footholds in both
the UK and U.S.
energy markets. Ulrich Hartmann, Eon’s chairman said: ‘We have had very
constructive talks with the U.S.
Securities and Exchange Commission and they will grant us three to five years
after the closing of the deal to get these things done.’” ("Eon
to sell Off assets to Smooth Deal on PowerGen" by Andrew Taylor and Uta
Harnischfeger; Financial Times; 4/10/2001;
p. 18.)
14.
The Degussa firm is part of the old I.G. Farben complex of chemical
firms that comprised the backbone of Hitler’s political, industrial and
military support during World War II. (For more about I.G. Farben, see also: RFA#’s 1, 2, 24, Miscellaneous Archive Show
M11, FTR#’s 87, 216, 278, 294.) Degussa, in which I.G. had a significant
capital participation, was a dominant player in the Degesch firm.
15.
Degesch (an I.G. subsidiary) manufactured the Zyklon B gas used in the
gas chambers in the concentration camps. “Actually, Zyklon B, whose generic name is prussic acid,
was new only in its application to human beings; its traditional, commercial
use was as an insecticide. The result was a revelation of efficiency. Only one
firm, Deutsche Gesellschaft Fuer Schaedlingsbekampfung (German Corporation for Pest
Control), known in the trade as Degesch, supplied this lethal chemical. The
firm and its most valuable asset, the monopoly of Zyklon B manufacture was
owned 42.5 percent by I.G. Farbenindustrie; 42.5 percent by Deutsche Gold und
Silbersceidenanstalt—known as Degussa (in which I.G. owned a third);
and 15 percent by the Theo. Goldsdchmidt concern. That I.G. dominated Degesch
was general knowledge in the chemical industry. In fact, in its official
corporate pronouncements Degesch described itself as an exclusive selling agent
for I.G. Moreover, I.G. dominated the Degesch supervisory board; of its eleven
members five were from I.G., including the chairman, Wilhelm Mann . . . . . In
the past, the S.S. had bought moderate amounts of Zyklon B from Degesch as a
vermin control in its concentration camps. When the final solution added Jews
to the S.S. extermination plans, Degesch profits reflected the new prosperity.
I.G.’s dividends on its Degesch investment for the years 1942, 1943 and 1944
were double those of 1940 and 1941." (The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben; by Joseph Borkin;
Copyright 1978 [HC]; The Free Press; ISBN 0-02-904630-0; pp. 122-123.)
16.
The rest of the broadcast deals with the relationship between the
remarkable and deadly Bormann organization, the I.G. Farben company and its
successor firms. The economic and political component of a Third Reich gone
underground, the Bormann organization controls corporate Germany
and much of the rest of the world. [It was created and run by Martin Bormann,
the organizational genius who was the "the power behind the throne"
in Nazi Germany.] The Bormann group is a primary element of the analysis
presented in the For the Record programs. For more about the Bormann
organization, see: FTR #’s 87, 90, 99,
102, 120, 122, 123, 125, 127, 134, 145, 152, 155, 158, 177, 179, 180, 187, 189,
193, 194, 195, 200, 215, 216, 218, 219, 224, 226, 232, 233, 234, 235, 238, 239,
240, 241, 242, 245, 248, 250, 251, 261, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 278, 283, 286,
293, 294.)
17.
One of the factors that permitted the realization and perpetuation of
the Bormann organization was the profound connection between the above-ground
German corporate structure, the 750 flight capital corporate fronts established
in neutral countries, and major corporate and political elements in Western
nations. (For more about the connections between American corporations and
their Axis counterparts, see also: RFA
#’s 1, 2, 10, Miscellaneous Archive Shows M-11, M-26 and M4-2, FTR #’s 29, 36-38, 87, 114, 121, 186,
219, 248.) “Powerful
friends of the Bormann organization in all Western countries, including those
sprinkled in control points throughout the administration in Washington and in
the financial and brokerage businesses of Wall Street, the City of London, and
the Paris establishment, did not wish a coordinated drive to get at these
external German assets. They had understandable reasons, if you overlook
morality: the financial benefits for cooperation (collaboration had become an
old-hat term with the war winding down) were very enticing, depending on one’s
importance and ability to be of service to the organization and the 750
corporations they were secretly manipulating, to say nothing of the known
multinationals such as I.G. Farben, Thyssen A.G., and Siemens; and, as a second
reason, the philosophy of free enterprise and preservation of private
property.” (Martin Bormann:
Nazi in Exile; Paul Manning; Copyright 1981 [HC]; Lyle Stuart Inc.; ISBN 0-8184-0309-8; P. 156.)
18.
The vast international scope of the I.G. Farben firm and its various
subsidiary operations was a principal element of the Bormann organization. I.G.
Farben chief Hermann Schmitz discussed I.G.’s involvement with the Bormann
program. “In
testimony later given to Nuremberg
investigators, Schmitz praised Bormann for the way he had directed the
distribution of German assets around the world. His own Farben organization
had, of course, contributed to the success of the operation. Every regional
representative working for Hermann Schmitz was an exceptional businessman, or
he would not have been with I.G. All had contributed sound advice in their
areas of competence, the regions of the world where they represented Farben
while keeping an eye on the subsidiaries of the parent concern and the 700
hidden corporations they controlled. They had provided assistance and
continuing guidance in establishing the 750 new companies created on order of
Bormann, who wanted more than hidden assets; Bormann wanted the money and
patents and technicians put to work to create even greater assets that would
bolster Germany in the postwar years. In their meeting in the chancellery, both
men checked over the figures of sums disbursed, and they were accurate to the
pfennig.” (Ibid.; pp. 157-158.)
19.
Bormann and Schmitz then discussed I.G.’s prospects for the postwar
period. The cozy relationship with powerful elements within the power elites of
the Western allies was foreseen by Schmitz as boding well for the company’s
future. “The
Reichsleiter asked Schmitz his views of the future. Schmitz replied, ‘The
occupation armies will be understanding in the West, but certainly not in the
East. I have instructed all Farben administrators and technicians to come to
the West, where they can be of use in resuming our operations once the
disturbances of 1945 come to a halt.’ Schmitz added that, while general bomb
damage to the I.G. plants was about 25 percent of capacity, some were
untouched. He mentioned speaking with Field Marshal Model, who was commanding
the defenses of the Ruhr. ‘Model had planned to turn our
Bayer-Leberkusen pharmaceutical factory into an artillery base, but he agreed
to make it an open, undefended factory. Hopefully, we will get it back
untouched.’ ‘What about your board of directors and the essential executives?
If they are held by the occupation authorities, can I.G. continue?’ Bormann
asked. ‘We can
continue. We have an operational plan for such a contingency, which everyone
understands. However, I don’t believe our board members will be detained too
long. Nor will I. But we must go through a procedure of investigation before
release, so I have been told by our N.W. 7 people who have excellent contacts
in Washington.’”
(Ibid.; p. 158.) Schmitz’s predictions were relatively accurate. Neither
Schmitz nor any of the I.G. Farben executives were severely punished and the
firm’s three successor firms carried on effectively in the postwar period. (See
FTR-179.)
20.
Even the postwar perpetuation of I.G.’s poison gas-producing firms was
prepared. (Degussa, now a subsidiary of Eon, was obviously part of this nexus.)
“Schmitz also
told Bormann of his visit to Switzerland
earlier in the month. ‘Germany
will have a poor image problem this time. Much worse than after the First
World War. It can all be placed on the doorsteps of Goering,
Himmler, and Heydrich. Goering and Himmler thought up the Final Solution for
the Jews, and Heydrich made it a fact.’ Bormann agreed, asking, ‘How does that
affect I.G.?’ ‘We produced the poison gas on Himmler’s orders,’ Schmitz
explained, ‘so I’ve been making some corporate name changes in Basel,
which may help our overseas situation.’” (Ibid.; p. 159.)
21.
The program concludes with another passage from the Manning text which
analyzes the pivotal role of the Bormann organization in German heavy industry
and, in turn, the influence of the Hermann Schmitz trust in the Bormann
organization. “The
Bormann organization continues to wield enormous economic influence. Wealth
continues to flow into the treasuries of its corporate entities in South
America, the United States,
and Europe. Vastly diversified, it is said to be the
largest land-owner in South America, and through stockholdings, controls German
heavy industry and the trust established by the late Hermann Schmitz, former
president of I.G. Farben, who held as
much stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey as did the Rockefellers.”
(Ibid.; p. 292.) The relationship between the Bormann organization, Degussa and
Eon is one to be carefully considered. (Recorded on 4/15/2001.)